AFRICOM’S Origins: Pressing Ahead With ACOTA Despite A Shortage of US Military Trainers For Africa Because They Were Sent to Iraq and Afghanistan

The Bush Administration pressed ahead in 2003 with ambitious plans for training African troops in peacekeeping and other soldier skills. I reported from the Pentagon in August that year that consideration was even being given to an acceleration of the current training schedule despite a shortfall in available American military experts.

US defense officials say they are pleased with the first training session undertaken earlier this year in Ghana under the Pentagon's new ACOTA program. They say a similar training program for potential African peacekeepers will begin in Ethiopia shortly with forces in Senegal targeted for training early next year. Plans are afoot for scheduling Kenyan troops after that.

ACOTA is the acronym for Africa Contingency Operations Training Assistance. It is the successor program to ACRI, or African Crisis Response Initiative. Over a five year period, that program saw several thousand African soldiers trained in peacekeeping and crisis assistance tactics.

A key difference between the two programs is that the emphasis under ACOTA is on training trainers, not just troops. US officials say that should make training in individual African countries sustainable over time, avoiding the need for US trainers to go in repeatedly.

In the case of Ghana, says a senior Pentagon official, the Ghanaian trainers who underwent American instruction this year are now training a battalion of troops with more Ghanaian battalions lined up to cycle through the program.

The senior official says that it appears the concept of training trainers is proving itself.

This official, speaking on condition of anonymity, says the administration is now looking into ways of accelerating the effort in West Africa in order to meet a projected long-term need for regional peacekeepers for duty in Liberia.

But the official concedes getting skilled US personnel for the African training programs has become a challenge. The Pentagon's preference is to use US active-duty military members, especially for field training exercises.

But most of the troops who would normally carry out such missions are involved in US military operations elsewhere, for example, in Iraq or Afghanistan.

Instead, the senior Pentagon official says civilian contractors will be used, often former members of the armed forces who now work for private defense firms.

The official notes such contractors were used exclusively in Ghana earlier this year because soldiers were not available.

AFRICOM’s Origins: ACOTA -- More Than Just a New Name

The five-year-old US military training program for Africa known as ACRI, or Africa Crisis Response Initiative, has a successor. It is called ACOTA, which stands for Africa Contingency Operations Training Assistance. From the Pentagon, I reported in mid-July 2002 that the change involves more than just a new name.

In its five years, the original ACRI program saw over 86-hundred soldiers from several African countries trained in peacekeeping tactics and humanitarian crisis operations.

Now the Clinton administration's original multi-million dollar program has been redesigned.

While the Bush administration's new ACOTA program is still focused on enhancing the ability of African armed forces to serve in peace missions, there is a new dimension: improving the ability of African units from various countries to work together to facilitate sub-regional and regional operations.

The new program will also be custom-tailored for each country, no longer following a "one-model fits all" approach.

The Pentagon's top African affairs official, Michael Westphal, says the original ACRI training scheme was seen as too inflexible.

“I think we often get caught up on Africa as one place. There are many places, and we shouldn't have a program which approaches it as one place --- not one cookie cutter, but rather an evaluation of the individual African militaries, what their capacities are,what we think they should be able to do, and what we would want to accomplish with them.”

The new program will include training, technical and maintenance assistance and the provision of some field equipment. Pentagon officials say it is designed to be flexible and sustainable but always based on the partner country's interests and capacities.

A fact sheet on the new program makes no mention of funding for the plan other than to note the availability of funds will regulate just how quickly ACOTA can expand on the continent. Priority for program participation will be given to those countries that have previously provided forces for peace support or humanitarian relief operations.

But otherwise, all sub-Saharan countries eligible for U-S security assistance can take part. In addition, the Pentagon says any regional or sub-regional organization with a defense and security role could receive training. Defense officials say the plan is the product of consultations with authorities from various African countries and regional groups. They say initial African reaction to the new outline has generally been positive.

AFRICOM’s Origins: ACRI Goes, ACOTA On The Way

US officials will soon announce the name of a new military training program to replace the five-year-old African Crisis Response Initiative --- not the discontinuance of all training for Africans. I had this report from the Pentagon in late April 2002 on the broad parameters of the restructured follow-on program.

In its five years, the African Crisis Response Initiative, or ACRI, has seen over 86-hundred African soldiers from several countries trained in peacekeeping tacticsand humanitarian crisis operations.

Now the Clinton administration's original multi-million dollar program is being redesigned. While it will still aim to enhance the ability of African armed forces to serve in peace missions, Pentagon officials say there will be some changes --- largely to address concerns voiced by African defense representatives.

The Pentagon's top African affairs official, Michael Westphal, explains the ACRI training program was seen on the continent as too inflexible.

“When it [ACRI] first came out, one of the complaints was that we just kind of put this thing together, rolled it out, and said, 'You can participate or you cannot.' This time around...we are engaging with partner countries in Africa to determine that weget their input to say 'this was important, this was not important; we think you should focus here; we should not focus so much there.'”

Pentagon sources say rather than an ACRI-styled single master plan for training all African armed forces, US defense officials intend to pursue individual country-specific programs. Training will be targeted to meet a country's desire for, say, improved field medical capabilities or airdrop skills or even equipment maintenance --- all this in addition to traditional peacekeeping and humanitarian training.

Mr. Westphal says it is an important change in approach.

“I think we often get caught up on Africa as one place. There are many places, and we should not have a program which approaches it as one place --- not one cookie cutter, but rather an evaluation of the individual African militaries, what their capacities are, what we think they should be able to do, and what we would want to accomplish with them.”

Defense officials have been consulting with authorities from various African countries and regional groups --- including those whose forces have already received training under the original ACRI program and others with experience in peacekeeping missions.

Pentagon sources say African reaction to the new outline has generally been positive. But they say African officials have made some specific suggestions --- including a new dimension to the human rights training included in the original ACRI program. This new dimension would stress negotiation skills and crowd control.

Pentagon officials envision the new program as a permanent one --- not a limited, five-year effort like ACRI. In addition to getting input from African countries, the Defense Department is also attempting to enlist the support of European countries like Britain, France, Germany and Portugal. The aim is to coordinate the new US program with European security assistance efforts in Africa.

AFRICOM’s Origins: Is US Training of African Peacekeepers In Doubt?

The Defense Department is hinting that the future of US involvement in training African peacekeeping units may be in doubt. In light of the recent critique from Refugees International about an alleged militarization of US policy towards Africa, a reader might think that first sentence somewhat astonishing. But the hints referred to here are old ones --- they came as then US Secretary of State Colin Powell left on his first trip to Africa, as I reported from the Pentagon in late May 2001.

Pentagon spokesman Rear Admiral Craig Quigley denies there is any feeling at the Defense Department that ACRI – the African Crisis Response Initiative -- has been a failure.

But Admiral Quigley suggests Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has a variety of concerns about the program, which was launched five years ago by the Clinton administration. Admiral Quigley says this includes the question of whether some African countries may be using ACRI to solve their defense funding problems.

In an interview reported by the newspaper USA Today, Secretary Rumsfeld was quoted as hinting he would end the multi-million dollar program.

But spokesman Quigley denies at a Pentagon briefing that Mr. Rumsfeld is thinking of pulling out of ACRI.

“He committed to doing what the United States has agreed to do and not to back out of any agreements we have entered into.”

Still, the spokesman says Mr. Rumsfeld is evaluating whether ACRI should continue next year.

“But beyond that, there's a question in his mind as to the further involvement and engagement of US forces in that part of the world and in what role and he would take a good hard look at that before he would agree to anything.”

ACRI is designed to enhance the capacity of select African countries to respond quickly and effectively to peacekeeping and humanitarian relief missions on the continent. Under the ACRI program, US military trainers have worked with troops in a variety of African countries.

In addition to training, the program has provided African troops withnon-lethal equipment, including uniforms.

A Final Note on Zanzibar And A Preview

As may have been evident in some recent posts, I intend to shift more and more now to an assessment of current events in Africa, with a focus on US policy, especially military assistance programs.

With the Africa Command scheduled to become fully operational on October 1st, 2008, and given the attention I paid to Africa issues while reporting from the Pentagon between 2000 and 2004, I want to draw on my past reports plus documents and statements where appropriate to first trace what I see as the origins of AFRICOM.

So that is what is coming next. There will also be occasional flashbacks.

In the meantime, I would recommend that anyone with an interest in Zanzibar should read former Ambassador Donald Petterson’s book, “Revolution in Zanzibar: An American's Cold War Tale”.

Quoting now from the Google Book Search summary:

“The Cold War came to Zanzibar in 1964 after African rebels slaughtered one of every ten Arabs. Led at first by a strange, messianic Ugandan, the rebels became heavily influenced by pro-Communists, including Cuban-trained gun toters, making Zanzibar (in the eyes of Washington, London, and some African capitals) a potentially cancerous base for the communist subversion of mainland Africa. Exotic Zanzibar -- fabled island of spices, former slave-trading entrepot, and stepping-off point for 19th century expeditions into the vast interior of the Dark Continent -- had succumbed to the terror of 20th century revolution and Cold War intrigue.

“In the vivid, eyewitness tradition of The Bang Bang Club and The Skull beneath the Skin, Donald Petterson weaves an engrossing tale of human drama played out against a background of violence and horror. As the only American in Zanzibar throughout the revolution, Petterson reports with the inside authority of a highly placed diplomatic observer, illuminating how the current troubles in Zanzibar are rooted in the Cold War and the revolution of 1964.”

Whither Zanzibar?

Zanzibar's controversial multi-party elections for a new president and parliament are over. But, the future of the semi-autonomous islands remains an open question. Will the victorious ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party agree to form a unity government with the opposition Civic United Front? Will the two parties be able to work together for the benefit of all Zanzibaris? I visited Zanzibar in October 1995 and reported the rival parties agreed on the urgent need to economically revive the once-fabled spice islands.

Back around the turn of the century, Zanzibar was perhaps the busiest trading center in East Africa. Ships came in and went out, doing a brisk business exporting the islands' cloves and other exotic spices.

But global demand for cloves has long since dwindled and Zanzibaris with their essentially mono-crop economy fell on hard times.

A lengthy post-independence experiment with socialism dealt a harsh blow to the islands, where as recently as several years ago there were regular shortages of such basic commodities as sugar, soap, and toilet paper.

Zanzibar is trying to stage a high-tech comeback that will turn it into the economic tiger of Africa -- like Singapore or Hong Kong in Asia, two role models often cited by politicians and businessmen with an upbeat vision of Zanzibar's future.

Ali Juma Shamuhuna is one such man. He is the executive secretary of Zanzibar's Free Economic Zone Authority, the main island agency behind a multi-billion-dollar free port and export-processing-zone investment scheme. He is a fervent supporter of Zanzibar's new and former president, Salmin Amour.

“Our president has always been saying that he wants to turn Zanzibar to be a Singapore of Africa and I tend to believe in that. Zanzibar can be a Singapore of Africa, partly because of its geographical, strategic position but partly because of its size in terms of land, in terms of population.”

Mr. Shamuhuna says laws and policies favorable to outside investors are already in place -- including lengthy tax holidays and provisions for 100-percent foreign ownership with recapture of all profits. He says what is needed now is political stability and a better education system.

“We have already established a good environment in terms of economic policies, trade liberalization. What we need now is political stability and cultivation of a high-skilled labor force.”

The Zanzibari official points with pride to a number of investment deals which have already been made. There is an industrial park on the main island of Unguja where 17 companies have invested 16-million dollars and employ about one-thousand people. Twelve other companies have applied for plots in the park and Mr. Shamuhuna projects a total investment there of about 30-million dollars by the end of 1998. He says overall employment is expected to double, to about two-thousand.

But his agency's big hopes are now pinned on another project -- the development of a free port at Fumba Bay at the south end of the main island. Mr. Shamuhuna says a consortium of Australian and Indian firms has poured 16-million dollars into the area to develop roads, two 18-hole golf courses, luxury hotels, warehouses and more. He projects the consortium will spend one-billion dollars during five years.

Ultimately, officials see the bay as a place where firms will engage in manufacturing, assembly, and transit trade. They also see it as a major offshore banking and insurance center.

But there is little to show for the money already spent. Diplomats and other recent travellers have found the road to Fumba Bay remains rutted and undeveloped. There is no sign of any construction in the area.

Opposition activists of the Civic United Front suggest the ruling CCM party's plans for the islands are merely that -- plans -- and they say they do not have any faith in them.

So while they may agree for the need for the islands' economic revival, they charge the government is too inefficient and too corrupt to be able to succeed in turning a vision into a reality. As examples, an opposition pamphlet entitled "Whither Zanzibar" criticizes the government for neglecting the development of basic utilities such as electrical power and water in outlying areas, while spending millions of dollars for a presidential jet. They also claim the number of government-owned vehicles far exceeds that of privately-owned ones.

Question: Can anyone out there perhaps tell me and other readers what ever happened to Zanzibar’s effort to become an Asian Tiger like economic powerhouse? I see there are now tourist resorts in Fumba Bay.

Exotic Island Flashback: Zanzibar Ruling Party Wins; Opposition Rejects Results

The opposition party in Zanzibar has rejected the results of multi-party presidential and parliamentary elections, which were won by the ruling CCM party. As I reported from Zanzibar town in late October 1995, tensions rose as the opposition claimed the voting had been marred by irregularities.

A senior official of the opposition Civic United Front says his party will not recognize the results of the elections.

The chairman of the CUF's technical committee, Mohamed Dedes, spoke after hearing from several of the party's polling station monitors. Mr. Dedes said they had reported in some key parliamentary constituencies, more votes had been cast than there were registered voters.

Opposition party officials said the constituencies included key ones on the main Zanzibari island of Unguja which the CUF had hoped to add to its expected sweep of seats on the smaller island of Pemba. Loss of these key constituencies was crucial to the Ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party's projected control of the new 50-seat Zanzibari parliament, as well as its retention of the presidency of the Indian ocean islands.

The Civic United Front's presidential contender, Seif Shariff Hamad, had told reporters his party would abide by the results even if it lost. But Mr. Dedes said the pledge was only intended to apply if the voting had been free and fair -- and Mr. Hamad was quoted as saying the CUF would not recognize nor be obedient to the new CCM government.

Opposition activists said they were considering a boycott of upcoming scheduled voting on Zanzibar and the Tanzanian mainland for a new president and parliament for their united republic. Those will also be multi-party elections, the first in the 31-year post-independence history of Tanzania.

Disappointed opposition supporters gathered outside the party's headquarters and at other locations around Zanzibar's historic Stone Town, angrily denouncing the election results announced over Radio Zanzibar. Most shops were closed out of fear of violence. Some minor scuffles were reported between police and CUF backers. Opposition leaders were appealing for calm.

Despite the opposition's claims of voting irregularities, international election observers reported no serious problems at any of the polling stations or during the laborious ballot-counting process.

AFRICOM Response to Militarization Claim

Following the Refugees International report noted yesterday, I contacted Vince Crawley, Chief of Public Information at AFRICOM, to ask what he thought of the allegation that US aid to Africa is being "militarized."

Here is what he said:

"Last time I reviewed the U.S. Constitution, funding priorities were determined by elected civilian leadership, not the military. So it isn't appropriate for me to comment on federal funding decisions, except to say that the intent of Africa Command is to support -- where it makes sense and where we're invited -- existing U.S. government and international programs in Africa.

"Current U.S. federal spending for all programs in sub-Saharan Africa -- health, development, support to democracy, etc. -- is approximately $9 billion per year. Of that, the U.S. Defense Department's share is approximately $250 milllion, or 3 percent. The other 97 percent is funding controlled by our Departments of USAID and State, and we frankly don't expect a dramatic change in that funding ratio.

"The U.S. military does not intend to take charge of the funding stream in Africa, because military spending is not where our government has set its priorities in that important part of the world.

"One sentence in the Refugees International report caught my immediate attention: "AFRICOM should focus on two unashamedly military/political roles that will strengthen peace and security in Africa: a) assisting African countries with defense sector reform; and b) supporting Africa's regional organizations in building conflict management and standby force capacity."

"That recommendation encapsulates the focus of U.S. Africa Command and has been [AFRICOM Commander] General [William] Ward's priority since the command was formed on October 1, 2007."

Vince is a former reporter who was at the Pentagon when I was assigned there as a correspondent. Anyone interested in going into this further can go to General Ward's Posture Statement to Congress on March 13, 2008. (See the transcript here.)

Militarizing U.S. Aid To Africa?

Refugees International has released a new report titled U.S. Civil-Military Imbalance for Global Engagement: Lessons from the Operational Level in Africa. According to RI, it describes how what it terms “the increased militarization of U.S. foreign aid” is complicating the achievement of American foreign policy goals in Africa.

The report recommends that the US Africa Command, or AFRICOM, remain focused on security sector and peacekeeping capacity building, rather than hunting terror suspects under what it calls “a thin mantle of humanitarianism” when it becomes fully operational in October 2008.

See that report. See the Washington Post article on the RI report and the Reuters version.

The complaint over "militarization" of US policy in Africa comes same week U.S. Defense Secretary Gates acknowledged concerns among aid agencies about what he called “a creeping militarization of some aspects of American foreign policy.”

His exact quote: “The United States military has become more involved in a range of activities that in the past were perceived to be the exclusive province of civilian agencies and organizations. This has led to concern among many organizations – perhaps including many represented here tonight – about what’s seen as a creeping “militarization” of some aspects of America’s foreign policy.” Full Gates transcript.

There was also a hearing this week on capitol hill probing the mission of AFRICOM, which was mentioned here earlier in the week. A full transcript of that includes the comments of Pentagon proponents and Congressional critics.

Return to the Exotic Island Zanzibar Vote Series

Vote counting from the multi-party elections for president and a 50-seat parliament in the Indian Oceans islands of Zanzibar was continuing at a slow pace in late October 1995. Partial results announced over Zanzibar radio did not give either the ruling CCM party or the opposition CUF a clear lead in what was expected to be a close race. I was in Zanzibar town.

Anxious groups of ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party supporters huddled around a radio at a popular CCM hangout near the central market throughout the day, listening for the latest constituency results.

A short distance away, at a square, deep inside the stone alleyways of the old town section, impatient young backers of the opposition Civic United Front did the same.

No clashes or other incidents were reported.

The presidential candidates of the two parties, incumbent Salmin Amour of the CCM and Seif Shariff Hamad of the CUF have both appealed for calm.

Police and troops stood by on alert just in case.

International election observers said the vote count was proceeding in an orderly fashion -- painstakingly slow but without any apparent irregularities.

These multi-party elections on Zanzibar will be followed by voting across Tanzania for a president and parliament for their united republic.

Top Pentagon Official on Misconceptions About AFRICOM

Testimony before the House of Representatives Committee on Oversight and Government Reform on July 16, 2007 by Theresa Whelan, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for African Affairs:

(Following is excerpt. Full statement can be seen here. Note: although the testimony is dated July 16, news reports on the appearance of Ms. Whelan and others to discuss AFRICOM say the hearing was held on July 15th. See this story and this one.)

There are many misconceptions about what USAFRICOM will look like and what it will do. I would like to address these misperceptions and concerns here.

First, some believe that we are establishing USAFRICOM solely to fight terrorism, to secure oil resources, or to discourage China. These are misperceptions. Violent extremism is cause for concern, and needs to be addressed, but this is not USAFRICOM’s singular mission. Natural resources such as oil represent Africa’s current and future wealth; we seek a secure market environment, in which we can compete fairly and benefit along with all other participants in that global market. Ironically, the U.S., China and other countries share a common interest – a secure environment - and could potentially cooperate on programs which help guarantee that security. USAFRICOM’s vision is to assist Africans to build greater capacity to assure that security.

Second, some have raised the concern that USAFRICOM will take control of issues that are the responsibility of the Africans themselves. Our intent is quite the contrary. DoD recognizes and applauds the leadership role that individual African nations and multi-lateral African organizations are taking in the promotion of peace, security and stability on the continent. For example, USAFRICOM can provide effective training, advisory and technical support to the development of the African Standby Force. This is exactly the type of initiative and leadership needed to address the diverse and unpredictable global security challenges the world currently faces. The purpose of USAFRICOM is to encourage and support such African leadership and initiative, not to compete with it or to discourage it. U.S. security is enhanced when African nations themselves endeavor to successfully address and resolve emergent security issues before they become so serious that they require considerable international resources and intervention to resolve.

Finally, there are fears that USAFRICOM represents a militarization of U.S. foreign policy in Africa and that USAFRICOM will somehow become the lead U.S. Government interlocutor with Africa. This fear is unfounded. USAFRICOM will support, not shape, U.S. foreign policy on the continent. The Secretary of State remains the chief foreign policy advisor to the President, and the Secretary of Defense remains the chief advisor on defense matters. The creation of a single U.S. DoD point of contact for Africa will simply allow DoD to better coordinate its own efforts, in support of State Department leadership, to better build security capacity in Africa. The intent is not for DoD generally, or for USAFRICOM at the operational-level, to assume the lead in areas where State and/or USAID have clear lines of authority as well as the comparative advantages to lead. Chief of Mission authorities will remain as they are, as will the authorities pertaining to Combatant Commanders. DoD will seek to provide support, as appropriate and as necessary, to help the broader U.S. Government national security goals and objectives succeed.

Exotic Island Happening: Zanzibar Votes!

Zanzibar residents voted in October 1995 in presidential and parliamentary elections for the semi-autonomous islands, one week ahead of voting across the Tanzanian mainland for a president and parliament for their united republic. These were the first multi-party elections in the post-independence history of Tanzania. I was in Zanzibar Town and had this report.

Zanzibaris thronged to polling stations across the Indian Ocean islands by the tens-of-thousands, defying torrential rains to stand in long lines to cast their ballots.

In Zanzibar Town, they stood outside schools, an abandoned bus station, and an amusement park to take part in the multi-party elections. The crowds were quiet, orderly, and patient, despite what monitors described as a tedious and time-consuming ballot-casting process.

Those waiting took shelter from the rain wherever possible, some even sitting on the horses of a carousel at the amusement park polling place.

Men and women stood in separate lines in keeping with the predominantly-Muslim traditions of Zanzibar. Officials said anyone in line at the scheduled closing time for the polls would be allowed to vote.

Police stood guard near each voting booth, but no incidents were reported. One opposition activist called the rain a good sign, saying it meant peace.

The two Zanzibari presidential contenders were among the early voters. Incumbent President and ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party candidate Salmin Amour and opposition Civic United Front contender Seif Shariff Hamad both sounded confident notes about their prospects for victory.

Most analysts are predicting a close contest. Results will not be known for at least a day.

Next week, Zanzibaris will return to the polls along with voters across the Tanzanian mainland to cast ballots in the first contested presidential and parliamentary elections for their united republic.

Exotic Island Flashback: Final Rallies Before Zanzibar Vote

Zanzibaris go to the polls to elect a president and parliament -- one week ahead of voting across the Tanzanian mainland for a president and parliament for their united republic. I had this election eve report in October 1995.

The ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi, or CCM party, and the opposition CUF, or Civic United Front party, held their final campaign rallies in Zanzibar town. If the turnout alone could dictate the election outcome, then the CCM would be the big winner.

Observers estimated some 10-thousand supporters turned out for the opposition gathering to hear its popular presidential candidate, Seif Shariff Hamad, a former top Zanzabari government minister, call for peaceful balloting.

But 50-thousand or more people assembled for the CCM rally where incumbent President Salmin Amour and his top aides confidently predict a landslide election victory in Zanzibar, which consists of the main islands of Unguja and Pemba and assorted smaller islets.

The ruling party was far better organized for its final campaign event. Party flags, posters, t-shirts, and hats with pictures of Mr. Amour were distributed throughout the huge crowd. An airplane flew overhead and dropped Swahili-language leaflets proclaiming "CCM is number one."

Trucks and buses were sent into the countryside to bring CCM supporters into Zanzibar town for the event.

Both rallies were peaceful and the atmosphere was festive.

There were no reports of any campaign-related incidents.

There have, however, been frequent opposition complaints about widespread electoral irregularities, including the unfair last-minute denial of voter registration to several thousand CUF supporters. A CCM official acknowledged there had been what he characterized as some minor problems. But the official insisted that overall the contest would be free and fair.

International election monitors are predicting a close contest with the opposition still given an edge by many political analysts. The ruling party has campaigned largely on the strength of its long years of experience in power.

But the opposition has argued it is time for new faces in government who will fight corruption and work for the economic revitalization of Zanzibar.

Exotic Island Flashback Time: Zanzibar Votes!

It’s time for a little interlude to go back in time to Zanzibar, specifically to October 1995 as Zanzibaris prepared to go to the polls to elect their own president and parliament. A week after that, October 29, 1995, they were to join voters on the Tanzanian mainland to choose a president and parliament for their united republic. These were the first multi-party elections in the then 31-year-old post-independence history of the country. And as I reported at the time from Zanzibar town, observers were predicting a close contest on Zanzibar between candidates of the ruling CCM party and those backing the opposition CUF.

Under a large shady tree on the grounds of the Victoria Gardens medical clinic in Zanzibar's historic Stone Town, a judge for the island's electoral commission is hearing hundreds of last-minute voter registration cases. It is a painstakingly slow and frustrating process -- especially for officials of the opposition CUF or Civic United Front party.

They claim that in recent days, objections have been lodged against the registration of more than three-thousand of the opposition party's supporters. They charge virtually all of the objections, made by backers of the ruling CCM, or Chama Cha Mapinduzi party, are baseless.

Still, they believe it will be physically impossible for the electoral commission to rule on all the cases before the voting gets under way. To that extent, the opposition says
the last-minute objections have not only been malicious but also effective. They say it could make the difference in a close contest.

CUF presidential candidate Seif Shariff Hamad estimates that while 350-thousand or so voters have been registered on Zanzibar, which consists of the islands of Unguja and Pemba and various small islets, some 25 thousand residents total have been wrongly
denied the right to cast ballots.

Mr. Hamad claims that besides registration and other electoral irregularities, opposition activists have been subjected to harassment and intimidation. He charges the ruling CCM party and incumbent Zanzibar President Salmin Amour have not been sincere in their professed acceptance of multi-partyism.

Despite all this, the opposition contender says he remains hopeful that his party still can win the vote. Even if it does not win, he says it will abide by the results.

That calm acceptance of the Civic united front's fate in the face of its complaints about the electoral process has amazed some of the international election observers gathered in zanzibar this week.

They say it is not unusual for an opposition party in Africa to lodge protests over irregularities in a country's first multi-party elections. What is unusual, they say, is the
constructive and conciliatory approach being voiced by Zanzabari politicians like Mr. Hamad. and they say it gives them hope for the long-term future of democracy here.

Still, there are fears of possible violence once the election results are announced. Frustrated opposition supporters barred from voting may take to the streets in protest over the outcome if the CUF loses. Opposition activists believe there could be even bigger trouble if their party wins, ending the CCM's long monopoly on power.

Zanzibar has a history of violence. Earlier this week, police tear gassed an opposition rally on Pemba island, causing a stampede that left more than two-dozen people injured.

The CCM is asking for a fresh mandate largely on the basis of its long years of experience in government. The CUF says that it is time for new faces who will fight corruption while working for the economic revitalization of Zanzibar and defending its semi-autonomous status.

China’s Takeover Bid in Africa: New World Bank Report

A new World Bank report says China is financing an increasing number of infrastructure projects in Africa while importing more and more African resources.

According to the report, “Sub-Saharan Africa’s natural resource exports to China have grown exponentially, from just over $3 billion in 2001 to $22 billion in 2006. Petroleum dominates, accounting for 80 percent of total exports to China. Nevertheless, the bulk of Africa’s oil exports still go to the United States and Europe, which together receive 57 percent of the total, compared with only 14 percent going to China. Other important African export commodities are iron ore and timber, followed by manganese, cobalt, copper and chromium.”

Here are more details from the report:

“China’s financing investments in Africa started from a low base (less than $1 billion per year before 2004) but rose to over $7 billion in 2006, and dipped to $4.5 billion in 2007

China has committed $3.3 billion for ten projects which can potentially boost Sub-Saharan Africa’s hydropower generation by 30 percent or 6,000 megawatts of installed capacity

China is financing the rehabilitation of 1,350 kilometers of railway and constructing 1,600 kilometers of new railway lines across the region, an important contribution to the continent’s existing 50,000 kilometer rail network

Nearly 70 percent of Chinese investments are concentrated in Angola, Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Sudan

Financing terms vary by country but typically involve a grant element of 33%, close to the benchmark level for concessional finance

Some 35 African countries have received Chinese infrastructure finance. Many projects are less than $50 million each

There have also been a handful of transactions worth more than $1 billion, showing China’s ability to provide large sums of money for specific infrastructure projects.”

China is not alone. The World Bank says:

“In recent years, India is increasing its investments, committing $2.6 billion since 2003. The bulk of Indian investments were in Nigeria. Oil-rich Gulf states and Arab donors are also playing a substantial role in African infrastructure, committing on average $500 million every year over the past seven years.”

China has been accused of turning a blind eye to human rights and other abuses on the continent. One of its most controversial relationships in Africa is with the government of Sudan, where China has been criticized for not doing enough to help resolve the conflict in the Darfur region.

Headquartering AFRICOM In Africa Itself

I want to thank Steve at Pine River News for his comment on yesterday’s post on China, Africa and AFRICOM. For those who haven’t read it, Steve writes:

“There is another factor behind African countries rejecting a U.S. AFRICOM HQ - and it's a factor seldom addressed: the potential for terrorist actions aimed at AFRICOM itself and other U.S. or domestic interests/businesses in the country hosting AFRICOM. This terrorism can be either from foreign sources - or a home-grown variety by those opposed to their government inviting/welcoming a U.S. presence. Similar to U.S., U.N. and foreign sanctions against Zimbabwe or Sudan, for example, could there be potential negative consequences (trade tariffs, etc) by other African nations against the host country for accepting the AFRICOM HQ?”

This enables me to get at something that has been nagging me about some of the reporting on AFRICOM -- and that is this business about where it will find a home in Africa. There is an assumption in much of the reporting that because it is a military command dealing with Africa, it must be located on the continent.

But take a look at the geographical commands under the Pentagon. Only one is headquartered outside the US: the European Command, parent of AFRICOM. The commands for Latin America, the Middle East and the Asia-Pacific region are all headquartered in the US itself.

AFRICOM representatives will no doubt find several homes in Africa; after all, there are already Defense Attaches in various US embassies.

But an HQ? Maybe it was desirable but certainly not necessary.

And another thing, back when there was no AFRICOM, the only African voices I ever heard were those who lamented the fact that for the Pentagon, Africa was not a priority and one piece of evidence was the lack of a dedicated Africa Command.

Where are those voices now, I wonder?

As for the potential for attracting terrorist attacks as a possible disincentive for hosting AFRICOM HQ, sure, that is always a concern.

But I am also reminded of the story posted here some time back about an alleged terrorist threat against the US embassy in Mali. My sources at the time concluded it was an invention of Malian authorities who wanted to push the US into action on a promised counter-terrorist training program.

Maybe one or more hard-pressed African countries will eventually come to think that despite the potential risks, it’s a far, far better deal to take in AFRICOM HQ, financially and in other ways, than to keep it out.

China in Africa (and Why is China So Upset About AFRICOM?): An Interlude

In the latest issue of the Journal of International Peace Operations, former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Herman Cohen discusses China’s expanding presence in Africa and the question of whether it poses any threat to US interests. Here is what he says:

“I tend to agree with Department of State that says the United States has nothing to fear from China’s activities in Africa.”

He goes on to add: “There is absolutely no interference from China against American-African cooperation in counterterrorism, money laundering, narcotics trafficking and other perils… The United States, of course, has neither desire nor capability to interfere with China’s activities in Africa.”

It is true that the State Department has professed a lack of concern about China’s increasing role in Africa, especially its growing investment on the continent and its deep involvement in extracting Africa natural resources.

Thomas Christensen, Deputy Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs and James Swan, Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs appeared in early June before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee’s Subcommittee on African Affairs.

In a prepared statement, they said: “In general, we see China's growing activity on the continent as a potentially positive force for economic development there, which is a goal we share with China and many others. As President Bush has said, we do not see a "zero-sum" competition with China for influence in Africa. Nor do we see evidence that China's commercial or diplomatic activities in Africa are aimed at diminishing U.S. influence on the continent.”

But here’s a question: why is it the Chinese side appeared to go ballistic when the US announced its plans to establish an Africa Command within the Pentagon’s military structure?

The following excerpts appeared on People’s Daily Online in March 2007 under the headline “US embarrassment in Africa.”

“The United States claimed that the main purpose of establishing its African Command was to fight the war on terror and provide a humanitarian aid. African countries, however, hold that it has harbored with ulterior motives… Some analysts hold that the destabilization of the situation in the Middle East region has beefed up the US's dependence on African oil resources. To protect its potential oil interests in Africa is precisely a major reason for the U.S. to set up its African Command.

“…African countries are still concerned that the US African Command could become an destabilizing factor in their countries… Furthermore, the countries having been under the yoke of a prolonged colonial abyss are also worried about their state sovereignty to be encroached upon."

An interesting probe on China in Africa is on the Fast Company website. It’s a six-part series by Richard Behar.

We’ll be getting into the origins of AFRICOM in the days ahead but if the issue of China resurfaces at any time, we’ll be glad to explore it further.

Bye-Bye Saddam’s Yellowcake: The Final Chapter in the Iraq-Africa Nuclear Material Story

Well, it took five years but it now looks as if the low-enriched uranium and yellowcake obtained by Saddam Hussein’s regime (in part from Africa) has finally been removed from Iraq, according to the latest reports. I say it took five years because five years ago I wrote the following:

“The UN nuclear agency, the International Atomic Energy Agency, estimates Iraq already had some one-point-eight metric tons of low-enriched uranium and 500 tons of natural uranium, called yellowcake. Some of it had been legally acquired in West Africa more than two decades ago and was under IAEA seal.

“Following this year's Iraq war, looters are reported to have entered the country's main nuclear site at Tuwaitha and some of the uranium was reported missing. The IAEA estimates that at worst, only some 10 kilograms of uranium compounds went missing --- an amount the UN nuclear agency says is not sensitive from a proliferation point of view.

“Nevertheless, the head of the IAEA, Mohamed ElBaradei has been pressing for stepped up measures to protect the remaining nuclear inventory. US defense sources now tell me preparations are under way to move the material out of Iraq. There is no word on where the uranium will be taken or whether UN inspectors will oversee the transfer operation.” (see the full report here.)

Turns out the LEU was removed a year later, according to this report in the NYTimes:

“This was not the first time that the United States intervened to remove potentially harmful nuclear material from Iraq. Just a few days before the Americans formally transferred sovereignty back to Iraq in June 2004, they removed 1.8 tons of low-enriched uranium, as well as other radioactive sources, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency. The material was taken to the United States.”

Wonder what took them so long, whether it was a year or five? Did it become less of a priority after it became apparent that Iraq’s “nuclear program” wasn’t the imminent threat it was made out to be before US forces intervened? Or after the claim Iraq was seeking even more uranium from Africa was shown to be a hoax?

The Tanzania Embassy Bombing: A Survivor’s Story

The terrorist bomb attack on the US embassy in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania killed at least 10 people and left scores more injured, including several Americans. I reported from the Tanzanian capital on Aug. 12, 1998 on the experiences of one of those American survivors.

Elizabeth Slater can barely contain her emotions as she recalls what can only be regarded as an unfortunate case of bad timing, marring what should have been a triumphant moment in her life.

A 42-year-old veteran State Department secretary with experience at embassies around Africa, she had arrived in Dar es Salaam only a few days ago to launch what she calls a "new career" -- this one as a communications officer.

“(I was) very, very excited. Hit the ground running, actually, on Wednesday afternoon -- airport, straight to the office. It was great.”

But less than 48 hours later, on Friday morning, the new arrival was in the wrong place at the wrong time.

“I was scheduled to have my briefings -- my welcome-to-post briefings. And one of the first meetings we have is with our community liaison officer.”

That officer was located on the second floor of the embassy building -- on the side overlooking the main gate to the compound's parking lot. It was at that gate last Friday morning that a massive bomb -- possibly planted in an embassy-owned vehicle -- went off, apparently as Tanzanian security guards at the gate were inspecting it.

The huge blast tore open the side of the embassy directly in front of the gate -- blowing in the wall of the office where Ms. Slater was getting her welcome briefing. The room was suddenly plunged into a dust and smoke filled darkness.

“The first thing for me was the blackness. It was completely black. I could not see a single thing. I couldn't see a thing. Then there was this feeling of, just kind of, I don't know, oily, smoky, whatever. I couldn't see and my colleague that I was meeting with was screaming ..I had no idea what had happened ... That's when things started to fall.”

Among the things that fell was the outside wall, which pinned Ms. Slater to her seat. A security officer rushed in and first helped the community liaison officer out of the room. He then came back in to help Ms. Slater but needed assistance from others to actually pull her free.

Initially she thought her legs might be broken. But, to her surprise, she discovered she was fine. Once she was released from the debris, she managed to walk out of the building and only then -- as she looked at what was left of the guard post next to the main gate -- did she realize what happened.

“What I saw immediately (once outdoors) was the guard post, which was completely contorted, twisted metal. That's when I realized this was a bomb.”

Ms. Slater stopped to help a Tanzanian employee of the embassy who was bleeding profusely and stumbling. Together they made their way to a pre-arranged meeting point elsewhere in the compound.

“At that point I realized that I must really not look very nice because when people came up to me they were going 'ohh, ohh' and running away, walking backwards away from me and that was when I realized I got like 10 different lacerations on my head, and you can see my nose.”

Her nose is a maze of stitches and scars. She says it actually looks much better now.

“My nose was actually hanging off and I have all these other wounds, just a lot of blood. I really wasn't hurt. I can't believe I didn't break any bones.”

Elizabeth Slater, born in Zimbabwe, says she loves Africa. And despite the incident, she says she is determined to press ahead with her new assignment.

Coming Up...

...a survivor of the Dar es Salaam embassy bombing tells her harrowing story.

In the meantime, be sure to read the Washington Post's inside story on the crush-the-opposition strategy of Robert Mugabe and his Army,

It might remind you of the story I did on the confidential Mugabe strategy for winning elections by attacking white farmers.

A Mixed Bag of Bombing Suspects Nabbed in Tanzania: Can You Say Axis Of Evil?

Tanzanian authorities have arrested and are questioning 14 foreign nationals in connection with the deadly bomb attack on the US embassy in Dar es Salaam. I had this report 10 years ago from the Tanzanian capital.

Those now being held are six Iraqis, six Sudanese, one Somali and one Turk. A Tanzanian police spokesman says none of them has been formally charged with any crimes. But he says some were seized on the basis of what he describes as intelligence information that they may have taken part in the bomb attack.

The spokesman, Senior Assistant Commissioner of Police Aden Mwamunyange, says the detentions were made in cooperation with the US Federal Bureau of Investigation.

“The Tanzanian police force in cooperation with the US Federal Bureau of Investigation, FBI, through joint effort and intelligence information, have arrested 14 foreign nationals in connection with a bomb blast which took place at the American embassy in Dar es Salaam in which a large number of people died and many properties were damaged.”

The spokesman declines to give the names of those detained and will not offer any interim report on the progress of their interrogations, which other Tanzanian officials say are being carried out jointly with US investigators now in Dar es Salaam. The spokesman says the suspects were picked up at various times and places since last Friday's deadly explosion. He says they are all now being held in Dar es Salaam.

Among the few details he gives is that one of the Sudanese claims to work for the Saudi embassy while another Sudanese is just 15 years old. He says the Iraqis include an engineer, a teacher, and a telecommunications technician. The spokesman says the sole Somali being held claims to be an employee of the UN refugee agency.

The spokesman calls some of those being held in custody "dubious characters" while others failed to produce identification documents such as passports.

US officials in Dar es Salaam have had no comment so far on the Tanzanian announcement.

HAPPY 4TH OF JULY TO YOU ALL!

Tanzania Bomb Attack Suspects Detained

Authorities in Tanzania have taken one or more suspects into custody in connection with the bombing of the US embassy in Dar es Salaam. This is what I reported from the Tanzanian capital on that and new information on the victims of the blast.

Police Commissioner Wilson Mwansasu says suspects have been detained in connection with the bomb attack.

But for the moment, he is refusing to give out details. He indicates more information may be released after, he says, the case file has been put in order.

US officials in Dar es Salaam have declined comment. An embassy spokesman says he will not confirm or deny anything while the investigation into the blast goes on.

The weekly “East African” has reported police in the northern Tanzanian town of Arusha were said to be on the tracks of what the newspaper calls a group of Muslim fundamentalists wanted in connection with the bombing.

Meanwhile, as the investigation continues, US officials in Dar es Salaam have disclosed that one of those killed in the bomb attack was a Kenyan.

He was Abdurahman Abdalla, who just one week before the explosion received his immigrant visa to go to the United States. He was to accompany his American wife, a Fulbright scholar who had been studying in Tanzania.

According to these officials, she went to the embassy to cash a cheque, while Mr. Abdalla waited outside.

American officials have also revealed that just a little more than half-hour before the deadly blast that claimed the Kenyan's life, the embassy conducted its weekly alarm test -- with different siren patterns sounded for a fire, for an armed attack and for a bomb.

Tanzanian survivors of the explosion who were inside the embassy at the time have told reporters they were concerned when they heard the alarms. They were told not to worry -- that it was only a test.

Despite the disruptions and turmoil caused by the blast, staff at the mission have managed in the three days since the bombing to set up a temporary embassy at the coastal residence of an American official. They say the usual services of an embassy are not yet being provided in full, but emergencies are being dealt with.

The shattered embassy itself remains cordoned off by heavily-armed US marine guards. American bomb experts and counter-terrorism officials are slowly sifting through the debris in the search for clues as to who may have been responsible.

Embassy officials will not discuss any details of the ongoing investigation. But they say it is a serious investigation -- one that will last as long as necessary.

The Families of the Victims of the Dar es Salaam Bombing

Authorities in Tanzania put the death toll in terrorist attack on the US embassy in Dar es Salaam at 10, with more than 70 injured. Hospital officials began releasing the bodies of the victims to relatives just days after the August 1998 explosion. I was in Dar es Salaam to report on the blast 10 years ago.

Among the hundreds of people gathered outside the mortuary on the grounds of the Muhumbili medical center in Dar es Salaam for the past three days, it was the women who wailed loudly and wept openly as the shrouded bodies were brought out one by one.

Chanting male relatives wasted no time carrying the dead to waiting vehicles to take the victims, all Tanzanians, to nearby cemeteries for burial.

Watching the grim processions mutely was 42-year-old Shabani Mtulya. His wife, 10-years younger, is among those who were killed. Like most of the others who died in the horrific blast, she was a guard employed by the private security agency used by the US embassy.

Mr. Mtulya, a shipping clerk with two sons, aged eight and five, says he heard last Friday's explosion while sitting in his office, but he says at first he had no idea what had happened.

“I heard the explosion, but I did not know what happened. After two hours, I heard people talking about the explosion at the American embassy, so I had to follow-up. I tried to go to the embassy but it was impossible to enter there. I decided to come straight to Muhumbili (medical center). I stayed there (waited) for one hour then I saw the body.”

Many of the victims' bodies were badly mutilated, making identification difficult. Also slowing the release of the bodies was the need for detailed examinations by US and Tanzanian experts hunting for clues to the disaster.

Mr. Mtulya is not complaining about the delays. He says he understands it is a police case.

As for those responsible for the attack:

Belida: “If you could talk to the people who set off this bomb, what would you tell them?”

Mtulya: “I am just praying to God. I leave each and every thing to God, yes.”

The shattered embassy is now cordoned off by US marines who have set up sandbagged machine-gun emplacements and multiple barriers of razor wire to block the two main access points to the street running in front of the building.

But even at a distance, inside the compound, agents of the US Federal Bureau of Investigation and other officials can be seen picking through the debris, looking for evidence that one day may help them identify the perpetrators and bring them to justice.

The Embassy Bombings 10 Years Ago: A Shock to East Africans

The explosion at the US embassy in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania left far fewer dead and wounded than the nearly simultaneous blast that devastated the American diplomatic mission in Nairobi, Kenya. But as I reported 10 years ago from Dar, the bombing was no less of a shock to the Tanzanian people.

Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa calls the attack on the US embassy an evil, despicable act. After a tour of the blast-shattered, debris-littered building site, Mr. Mkapa is appealing for a unified international war against terrorism.

This is the first terrorist incident in Tanzanian history, and it has rocked the country to its very soul. Local commentators say the explosion demonstrates Tanzanians are no longer safe and that their capital city no longer deserves to be known as a haven of peace.

Americans who live in Dar es Salaam are echoing that sentiment. One woman -- an English teacher married to a missionary who has lived here for several years -- tells reporters the bombing was a tragedy for a country regarded until now as a tranquil one.

US investigators including agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, State Department counter-terrorism experts and other officials have now arrived in Dar es Salaam to begin their probe of the explosion. A US embassy official, speaking on condition of anonymity, indicates their task may be eased by video tapes from the embassy's security surveillance system.

Attention is already focused on a water tanker owned by the embassy, which had driven up to the building's main gate when the blast occurred. It may have carried the explosive device that tore open the side of the mission and left offices there so badly damaged that diplomats say it may never be used again.

The driver of the tanker truck and his assistant as well as the Tanzanian security guards who were inspecting the vehicle before letting it inside the embassy compound were all killed. Other casualties included Tanzanian cleaning staff working outdoors at the embassy.

Freshly-arrived US Marine guards have now sealed off access to the area around the embassy -- an embassy which American diplomats say had, ironically, been criticized recently in the local news media for excessive security. The Marines have set up sandbagged machine gun emplacements and thrown up razor wire barriers at both ends of the street running in front of the building, located in a suburban residential area.

That distance from the bustling and crowded center of Dar es Salaam is believed to have resulted in the much lower casualty toll than the nearly-simultaneous explosion at the US Embassy in Nairobi, which is situated at a busy intersection in the heart of the Kenyan city.

AFRICOM And Drugs And Climate Change (And Saharan Terrorists)

Two very interesting articles have appeared in the Washington Post involving Africa and AFRICOM --- one on anti-drug efforts in West Africa and the second on the challenges posed by climate change:

Counternarcotics Effort In West Africa Widens Pentagon's Purview

By Walter PincusMonday, June 30, 2008; A09

The Pentagon is stepping up its counternarcotics programs in West Africa, in what can be considered the Defense Department's continuing expansion into the traditional territory of a civilian agency.

West Africa has experienced "a dramatic increase in drug smuggling and associated corruption and intimidation that turns weakly governed areas into nearly ungoverned spaces," according to Joseph A. Benkert, the nominee to become the first assistant secretary of defense for global security affairs.

"Currently the threat of the expanding illicit drug trade threatens Africa's fragile future," Benkert wrote in answer to a Senate Armed Services Committee questionnaire, which was released at his confirmation hearing last Wednesday.

Climate Issues Tied to U.S. Security

By Walter PincusWashington Post Staff WriterThursday, June 26, 2008; A02

U.S. intelligence agencies have concluded that global climate change will worsen food shortages and disease exposure in sub-Saharan Africa over the next two decades, creating operational problems for the Pentagon's newest overseas military command.

"Without food aid, the region will likely face higher levels of instability, particularly violent ethnic clashes over land ownership," probably creating "extensive and novel operational requirements," for the fledgling U.S. Africa Command, according to a National Intelligence Assessment on the security implications of climate change by the National Intelligence Council.

NIC Chairman Thomas Fingar presented the report's key conclusions yesterday to a joint meeting of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence and the House Select Committee on Energy Independence.

And if you remain interested in alleged terrorist activities in the Sahara region, check out today’s New York Times article “A Ragtag Insurgency Gains a Qaeda Lifeline”.

More on the embassy bombing in Dar es Salaam 10 years ago coming up shortly.