Despite a flurry of reports this week about a possible relocation of AFRICOM's headquarters in the southern U.S., the American Forces Press Service is now quoting a Pentagon spokesman as saying it will remain in Stuttgart, Germany for the foreseeable future.
The decision by Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates allows the newest unified command to gain greater operational experience and develop and foster relationships with both African and European partners, Bryan Whitman said.
“We certainly looked at a number of alternatives,” Whitman said. “But at the end of the day, it was determined that for now, and into the foreseeable future, the best location was for it to remain in its current headquarters.”
More at AFRICOMWatch.blogspot.com
Thursday, October 30, 2008
Tuesday, October 28, 2008
Conflict Diamonds…Again…
PARTNERSHIP AFRICA CANADA AND GLOBAL WITNESS have issued a news release titled “LOUPE HOLES IN THE KIMBERLEY PROCESS.”
It says that as the Kimberley Process rough diamond certification scheme's fifth year draws to a close, the trafficking of conflict and illicit stones looks more like a dangerous rule than an exception. In a report released today, Global Witness and Partnership Africa Canada warn that the illicit trade in rough diamonds is one of the greatest threats facing the Kimberley Process.
"Conflict diamonds from Côte d'Ivoire are still being mined, smuggled into legitimate markets and sold to consumers on the high street, despite UN sanctions," said Annie Dunnebacke, Campaigner at Global Witness. 'The Kimberley Process' failure to address this problem in five years of existence is a serious indictment of the scheme's effectiveness."
The report's case studies highlight how the illicit trade in rough diamonds is getting worse. In Venezuela, rampant diamond smuggling continues while the government blatantly flouts the certification scheme. Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono recently stated that over 10,000 people were visiting the border town of Mutare every month for illegal diamond mining and trading. These diamonds are then smuggled out of the country and into international trading and manufacturing centres.
"The Kimberley Process completely ignores the diamond cutting and polishing industry," said Bernard Taylor, Executive Director of PAC. "There, rough diamonds can bypass all of the KP checks. The Kimberley Process has to close this obvious loophole in the system."
Global Witness and Partnership Africa Canada are calling upon India, as current chair of the Kimberley Process, and all participants to consider the following recommendations at the upcoming Plenary meeting in New Delhi.
The Kimberley Process should:
Take swift action when faced with cases of non-compliance and agree an interim suspension mechanism with clear criteria;
Require of its participants stronger government oversight of the diamond industry, including regular stock audits of companies;
Require the cutting and polishing sector to adhere to KP minimum standards;
Require participants to improve internal controls and increase collaboration and enforcement efforts to combat rough diamond smuggling;
Develop a research and monitoring capacity to address illicit flows of rough diamonds.
It says that as the Kimberley Process rough diamond certification scheme's fifth year draws to a close, the trafficking of conflict and illicit stones looks more like a dangerous rule than an exception. In a report released today, Global Witness and Partnership Africa Canada warn that the illicit trade in rough diamonds is one of the greatest threats facing the Kimberley Process.
"Conflict diamonds from Côte d'Ivoire are still being mined, smuggled into legitimate markets and sold to consumers on the high street, despite UN sanctions," said Annie Dunnebacke, Campaigner at Global Witness. 'The Kimberley Process' failure to address this problem in five years of existence is a serious indictment of the scheme's effectiveness."
The report's case studies highlight how the illicit trade in rough diamonds is getting worse. In Venezuela, rampant diamond smuggling continues while the government blatantly flouts the certification scheme. Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono recently stated that over 10,000 people were visiting the border town of Mutare every month for illegal diamond mining and trading. These diamonds are then smuggled out of the country and into international trading and manufacturing centres.
"The Kimberley Process completely ignores the diamond cutting and polishing industry," said Bernard Taylor, Executive Director of PAC. "There, rough diamonds can bypass all of the KP checks. The Kimberley Process has to close this obvious loophole in the system."
Global Witness and Partnership Africa Canada are calling upon India, as current chair of the Kimberley Process, and all participants to consider the following recommendations at the upcoming Plenary meeting in New Delhi.
The Kimberley Process should:
Take swift action when faced with cases of non-compliance and agree an interim suspension mechanism with clear criteria;
Require of its participants stronger government oversight of the diamond industry, including regular stock audits of companies;
Require the cutting and polishing sector to adhere to KP minimum standards;
Require participants to improve internal controls and increase collaboration and enforcement efforts to combat rough diamond smuggling;
Develop a research and monitoring capacity to address illicit flows of rough diamonds.
Sunday, October 26, 2008
U.S. Africa Command Might Be Headquartered in Southern U.S.
Over at AFRICOMWatch is a new exclusive report: AFRICOMWatch has learned defense officials are conducting what is termed a “budget-based review” of possible sites for the permanent headquarters of the Africa Command. The sites include some in the eastern United States as well as others in Europe. AFRICOM is currently headquartered on an interim basis in Stuttgart, Germany. Consideration of possible sites in Africa has generated controversy.
Pentagon sources say the review of locations is not comprehensive nor have any decisions been made. However they tell AFRICOMWatch planning for the newest U.S. military command has always assumed that a portion of the headquarters staff would not live and work in African nations, hence the study of sites in the eastern U.S. as well as Europe.
Locating the permanent headquarters in Europe offers several obvious advantages including sharing the same time zone as the United States’ main African and European military partners and betterand speedier transport connections.
On the other hand, headquartering AFRICOM in the United States has other advantages that cannot be overlooked includingsharplylower living costs and other expenses and closer proximity to the inter-governmental agency process in Washington D.C. In addition, some sources suggest there would be increased political support for the Africa Command were it located in the eastern U.S., including stronger support from African American organizations.
Pentagon sources declined to identify possible U.S. sites.
However a report in a Charleston, South Carolina newspaper last week quoted the state’s comptroller as saying the Charleston area was believed to be in the running to become the United States Africa Command headquarters.
Pentagon sources say the review of locations is not comprehensive nor have any decisions been made. However they tell AFRICOMWatch planning for the newest U.S. military command has always assumed that a portion of the headquarters staff would not live and work in African nations, hence the study of sites in the eastern U.S. as well as Europe.
Locating the permanent headquarters in Europe offers several obvious advantages including sharing the same time zone as the United States’ main African and European military partners and betterand speedier transport connections.
On the other hand, headquartering AFRICOM in the United States has other advantages that cannot be overlooked includingsharplylower living costs and other expenses and closer proximity to the inter-governmental agency process in Washington D.C. In addition, some sources suggest there would be increased political support for the Africa Command were it located in the eastern U.S., including stronger support from African American organizations.
Pentagon sources declined to identify possible U.S. sites.
However a report in a Charleston, South Carolina newspaper last week quoted the state’s comptroller as saying the Charleston area was believed to be in the running to become the United States Africa Command headquarters.
Thursday, October 23, 2008
Obama Would Be "Tougher" On Africa Than McCain?
There was recently a gathering of U.S. foreign policy experts, observers and diplomats in Addis Ababa that heard predictions that American policy toward Africa will remain more or less constant, regardless of who wins the November 4 presidential election.
Peter Heinlein of the Voice of America in Addis Ababa reported that what he termed "strong evidence" was presented to support the thesis that a President Obama might be tougher on Africa than a President McCain.
The seminar at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, was titled: The U.S. Presidential Election and Its Implications for Africa. The conclusion: Washington's foreign policy, whether under a President John McCain or a President Barack Obama would be almost identical to that of President George W. Bush.
U.S. political scientist, Steven Ekovich, a professor at the American University in Paris, was one of the main presenters. He says a study of the Democrat and Republican platforms shows a remarkable similarity.
"I read both texts, and I had this strange impression that I read the same text twice. I read first Barack Obama's propositions for his Africa policy, then I read John McCain, and I found a few differences in nuance, but in terms of the general themes and general orientations, I had read the same text. Furthermore, I said not only have I read the same text, I've read this text before, I've seen this before. Where did I see this before because this is basically current American-Africa policy. No difference," said Ekovich.
Speaking to an audience of mainly African diplomats and intellectuals, Ekovich cautioned not to expect radical change if the man they call 'the son of Africa' is victorious.
"I think I can guess who your favorite candidate is. I think it's the favorite candidate of all Africans," he said. "I think there's a deep sympathy and attachment to Barack Obama. And therefore I think among your publics, there's a feeling if it's an African-American president, there will be a dramatic change in policy toward Africa. But I will say this, an African-American president can be tougher on you than a white president. He can give you what Americans call 'tough love'. He's going to be able to say, where another kind of president cannot say, 'You know, my African brothers and sisters are just going to have to do a better on corruption, on democracy, on reducing violence, etc. on these policy areas.' "
Professor Ekovich noted that Senator Obama has already shown a willingness to criticize African Americans for their perceived failings.
"A white guy can't say that in America, but Barack Obama could. If Barack Obama is somebody who can legitimately chastise his own African Americans, let's say there's going to be a new style in Africa policy if it's Barack Obama, but don't expect it's necessarily going to be something you're going to enjoy hearing from a President Obama," he added.
Ekovich pointed out that Senator Obama has referred to events in Sudan's Darfur region as 'genocide', and said he would work to end it. The Democrat did not hesitate to criticize corruption in Kenya during a visit to his father's homeland. And like his Republican opponent, Obama favors increasing pressure on Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, accusing him of stealing the recent election and using violence against his own people.
After hearing the presentation, Kenyan diplomat Michael Oyogi said he had concluded that Africans could expect nothing new from the presidential election, whatever the outcome.
"It means that not only the two of them but previous candidates and presidents of the U.S. would not, you would not decipher much of a change between those presidents and the one that is going to come as a result of forthcoming elections. We can conclude at this moment that the implications are zero," said Oyogi.
Participants say just the fact that this conference was held indicates an unprecedented fascination, some might say an obsession, in parts of Africa with the U.S. presidential election. It suggests that, like never before, Africans will be waking up early on the morning of November 5, or in some cases staying up all night, turning on their radios and TV sets to hear the American people's verdict.
Peter Heinlein of the Voice of America in Addis Ababa reported that what he termed "strong evidence" was presented to support the thesis that a President Obama might be tougher on Africa than a President McCain.
The seminar at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, was titled: The U.S. Presidential Election and Its Implications for Africa. The conclusion: Washington's foreign policy, whether under a President John McCain or a President Barack Obama would be almost identical to that of President George W. Bush.
U.S. political scientist, Steven Ekovich, a professor at the American University in Paris, was one of the main presenters. He says a study of the Democrat and Republican platforms shows a remarkable similarity.
"I read both texts, and I had this strange impression that I read the same text twice. I read first Barack Obama's propositions for his Africa policy, then I read John McCain, and I found a few differences in nuance, but in terms of the general themes and general orientations, I had read the same text. Furthermore, I said not only have I read the same text, I've read this text before, I've seen this before. Where did I see this before because this is basically current American-Africa policy. No difference," said Ekovich.
Speaking to an audience of mainly African diplomats and intellectuals, Ekovich cautioned not to expect radical change if the man they call 'the son of Africa' is victorious.
"I think I can guess who your favorite candidate is. I think it's the favorite candidate of all Africans," he said. "I think there's a deep sympathy and attachment to Barack Obama. And therefore I think among your publics, there's a feeling if it's an African-American president, there will be a dramatic change in policy toward Africa. But I will say this, an African-American president can be tougher on you than a white president. He can give you what Americans call 'tough love'. He's going to be able to say, where another kind of president cannot say, 'You know, my African brothers and sisters are just going to have to do a better on corruption, on democracy, on reducing violence, etc. on these policy areas.' "
Professor Ekovich noted that Senator Obama has already shown a willingness to criticize African Americans for their perceived failings.
"A white guy can't say that in America, but Barack Obama could. If Barack Obama is somebody who can legitimately chastise his own African Americans, let's say there's going to be a new style in Africa policy if it's Barack Obama, but don't expect it's necessarily going to be something you're going to enjoy hearing from a President Obama," he added.
Ekovich pointed out that Senator Obama has referred to events in Sudan's Darfur region as 'genocide', and said he would work to end it. The Democrat did not hesitate to criticize corruption in Kenya during a visit to his father's homeland. And like his Republican opponent, Obama favors increasing pressure on Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, accusing him of stealing the recent election and using violence against his own people.
After hearing the presentation, Kenyan diplomat Michael Oyogi said he had concluded that Africans could expect nothing new from the presidential election, whatever the outcome.
"It means that not only the two of them but previous candidates and presidents of the U.S. would not, you would not decipher much of a change between those presidents and the one that is going to come as a result of forthcoming elections. We can conclude at this moment that the implications are zero," said Oyogi.
Participants say just the fact that this conference was held indicates an unprecedented fascination, some might say an obsession, in parts of Africa with the U.S. presidential election. It suggests that, like never before, Africans will be waking up early on the morning of November 5, or in some cases staying up all night, turning on their radios and TV sets to hear the American people's verdict.
Wednesday, October 22, 2008
Blackwater At Sea, Fighting Somali Pirates?
International shipping companies have welcomed the deployment of additional warships in the pirate-infested waters off the coast of Somalia, where dozens of commercial and private vessels have been attacked this year. Concerned ship owners are also reportedly hiring private security firms to escort their vessels. VOA Correspondent Alisha Ryu in Nairobi reports that having armed guards on board ships to fight piracy remains a controversial issue.
Earlier this month, the U.N. Security Council unanimously adopted a resolution calling for states to deploy naval vessels and military aircraft to fight out-of-control piracy off the coast of Somalia.
Several NATO members answered the call, dispatching frigates and destroyers to the region as part of a special anti-piracy task force focused on escorting World Food Program ships delivering aid to Somalia. The NATO group joins allied naval vessels from the Djibouti-based Combined Task Force 150, which recently created a maritime security patrol area in the Gulf of Aden to provide a safe shipping lane for about 200 vessels traveling through it every day.
Chris Trelawny at the International Maritime Organization, the U.N. agency that oversees maritime security, said the industry is relieved to know that a multi-national military effort is under way to try to tackle the piracy problem in the Horn of African region.
"We would very much expect the presence of NATO and other warships will actively prevent further attacks from occurring," he said. "But really we see the navies there as a stop-gap measure, if you like, keeping a lid on it until such time as the political situation can be sorted out by wider action through the United Nations and the African Union. "
Late last month, the hijacking of a Ukrainian freighter loaded with tanks and heavy weapons off the eastern coast of Somalia made global headlines after pirates demanded an unprecedented $20 million ransom for the release of the ship and its crew.
The director of the International Maritime Bureau in London, Pottengal Mukundan, says the capture of MV Faina demonstrated that Somali pirates now have the resources, the experience, and the weapons they need to carry out sophisticated hijackings.
Mukundan said in the past two months, pirates have attacked some of the biggest ships plying the high seas, including supertankers carrying oil and gas. He added, "They certainly seem to be going for large vessels. They think they may get higher ransoms as a result, and if they do take a vessel carrying oil or chemical cargo, then there is always a risk that the cargo may not be looked after, which may cause an accident with all the environmental consequences."
About 30 ships have been captured this year, mostly in the Gulf of Aden, which provides the shortest maritime route from the Far East to Europe and is vital to global commerce. Pirates have released about 20 vessels after the payment of ransoms that have averaged one- to $2 million per ship.
Attacks are usually conducted from several small speedboats, each carrying three-to-five pirates, armed with assault rifles and rocket-propelled grenade launchers. The latest maritime report says the number of speedboats involved in each incident is increasing, as are the number of so-called mother ships, which act as launching pads for the attacks.
The deteriorating security situation in the region has opened a window of opportunity for private security firms to offer anti-piracy services to ship owners.
Blackwater, a U.S.-based firm whose security guards were accused of killing 17 civilians last year during a shoot-out in Iraq, announced that it has sent a private military ship to the Gulf of Aden this week to assist the commercial shipping industry.
John Harris, who heads a company called HollowPoint Protective Services in the United States, said ship owners are seeking help from private security firms.
A few weeks ago, the American commander of the Combined Maritime Forces and his British deputy suggested shippers consider hiring private armed security escorts because the coalition lacked the resources to give round-the-clock protection to all merchant vessels in the region.
Harris said, "All these different governments putting their ships in there is really a good thing. But what my company can do - we put people who specialize in this field aboard these vessels and give them one-on-one protection as they go through hostile waters. We only respond to attacks on vessels we protect."
But Pottengal Mukundan at the International Maritime Bureau said there are serious legal issues to consider if armed guards are to be put on board commercial ships.
"Flagged states do not usually permit armed guards on their merchant vessels and also the fact that these vessels may be going through coastal waters of nations whose own laws may prohibit unlicensed armed guards operating. And all this could cause complications, particularly if there is death or injury. This is exactly why these legal issues need to be resolved before going down this path."
Private security firms argue that they are filling a security gap that foreign navies are unable to address. The United Nations has yet to give foreign navies guidelines on what they can and cannot do to stop acts of piracy and what to do with pirates if they are caught.
Recently, the Danish navy seized 10 suspected pirates, but had to set them free on Somali soil because the legal conditions surrounding their detention were not clear.
The Marine Director for the London-based International Chamber of Shipping, Peter Hinchliffe, said despite the limitations foreign navies face, ship owners should not hire private guards.
"Companies that are in the business of providing private security, of course, one would expect to offer those services. That is fine," he said. "But I think what navies are forgetting, and perhaps governments are forgetting as well, is that we are not talking about the protection of an individual ship in a piece of water. What we are talking about is the fundamental obligation of nations to provide safe passage for world trade. So, therefore, it is totally unsatisfactory for naval authorities to try to devolve that responsibility to innocent merchant ships."
Hinchliffe said he and many others in the industry believe that the presence of more warships, a clear set of legal rules, and more aggressive rules of engagement to deal with pirates will reduce the number of attacks and discourage piracy in the future.
Earlier this month, the U.N. Security Council unanimously adopted a resolution calling for states to deploy naval vessels and military aircraft to fight out-of-control piracy off the coast of Somalia.
Several NATO members answered the call, dispatching frigates and destroyers to the region as part of a special anti-piracy task force focused on escorting World Food Program ships delivering aid to Somalia. The NATO group joins allied naval vessels from the Djibouti-based Combined Task Force 150, which recently created a maritime security patrol area in the Gulf of Aden to provide a safe shipping lane for about 200 vessels traveling through it every day.
Chris Trelawny at the International Maritime Organization, the U.N. agency that oversees maritime security, said the industry is relieved to know that a multi-national military effort is under way to try to tackle the piracy problem in the Horn of African region.
"We would very much expect the presence of NATO and other warships will actively prevent further attacks from occurring," he said. "But really we see the navies there as a stop-gap measure, if you like, keeping a lid on it until such time as the political situation can be sorted out by wider action through the United Nations and the African Union. "
Late last month, the hijacking of a Ukrainian freighter loaded with tanks and heavy weapons off the eastern coast of Somalia made global headlines after pirates demanded an unprecedented $20 million ransom for the release of the ship and its crew.
The director of the International Maritime Bureau in London, Pottengal Mukundan, says the capture of MV Faina demonstrated that Somali pirates now have the resources, the experience, and the weapons they need to carry out sophisticated hijackings.
Mukundan said in the past two months, pirates have attacked some of the biggest ships plying the high seas, including supertankers carrying oil and gas. He added, "They certainly seem to be going for large vessels. They think they may get higher ransoms as a result, and if they do take a vessel carrying oil or chemical cargo, then there is always a risk that the cargo may not be looked after, which may cause an accident with all the environmental consequences."
About 30 ships have been captured this year, mostly in the Gulf of Aden, which provides the shortest maritime route from the Far East to Europe and is vital to global commerce. Pirates have released about 20 vessels after the payment of ransoms that have averaged one- to $2 million per ship.
Attacks are usually conducted from several small speedboats, each carrying three-to-five pirates, armed with assault rifles and rocket-propelled grenade launchers. The latest maritime report says the number of speedboats involved in each incident is increasing, as are the number of so-called mother ships, which act as launching pads for the attacks.
The deteriorating security situation in the region has opened a window of opportunity for private security firms to offer anti-piracy services to ship owners.
Blackwater, a U.S.-based firm whose security guards were accused of killing 17 civilians last year during a shoot-out in Iraq, announced that it has sent a private military ship to the Gulf of Aden this week to assist the commercial shipping industry.
John Harris, who heads a company called HollowPoint Protective Services in the United States, said ship owners are seeking help from private security firms.
A few weeks ago, the American commander of the Combined Maritime Forces and his British deputy suggested shippers consider hiring private armed security escorts because the coalition lacked the resources to give round-the-clock protection to all merchant vessels in the region.
Harris said, "All these different governments putting their ships in there is really a good thing. But what my company can do - we put people who specialize in this field aboard these vessels and give them one-on-one protection as they go through hostile waters. We only respond to attacks on vessels we protect."
But Pottengal Mukundan at the International Maritime Bureau said there are serious legal issues to consider if armed guards are to be put on board commercial ships.
"Flagged states do not usually permit armed guards on their merchant vessels and also the fact that these vessels may be going through coastal waters of nations whose own laws may prohibit unlicensed armed guards operating. And all this could cause complications, particularly if there is death or injury. This is exactly why these legal issues need to be resolved before going down this path."
Private security firms argue that they are filling a security gap that foreign navies are unable to address. The United Nations has yet to give foreign navies guidelines on what they can and cannot do to stop acts of piracy and what to do with pirates if they are caught.
Recently, the Danish navy seized 10 suspected pirates, but had to set them free on Somali soil because the legal conditions surrounding their detention were not clear.
The Marine Director for the London-based International Chamber of Shipping, Peter Hinchliffe, said despite the limitations foreign navies face, ship owners should not hire private guards.
"Companies that are in the business of providing private security, of course, one would expect to offer those services. That is fine," he said. "But I think what navies are forgetting, and perhaps governments are forgetting as well, is that we are not talking about the protection of an individual ship in a piece of water. What we are talking about is the fundamental obligation of nations to provide safe passage for world trade. So, therefore, it is totally unsatisfactory for naval authorities to try to devolve that responsibility to innocent merchant ships."
Hinchliffe said he and many others in the industry believe that the presence of more warships, a clear set of legal rules, and more aggressive rules of engagement to deal with pirates will reduce the number of attacks and discourage piracy in the future.
Tuesday, October 21, 2008
US Voices Concern Over Sudan Kidnappings
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesman
________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release October 21, 2008
2008/897
Statement by Sean McCormack, Spokesman
Abduction of Workers in South Kordofan State, Sudan
The United States expresses its deep concern for the well-being of nine Chinese and Sudanese workers reportedly kidnapped on October 18 in South Kordofan State. The parties responsible for the kidnapping must release the workers immediately and without harm.
The United States deplores all violence in Sudan. Such insecurity threatens all actors in Sudan – from the civilian population to international aid workers and peacekeepers to private citizens – and undermines the prospects for peace throughout the country. We express hope that an expeditious investigation will bring the perpetrators of these cowardly acts to justice.
The United States reiterates its call for the speedy deployment of the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur as a means of stemming insecurity in Darfur. We also call upon the United Nations Mission in the Sudan to fully implement its mandate in response to such insecurity in other parts of Sudan.
# # #
Office of the Spokesman
________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release October 21, 2008
2008/897
Statement by Sean McCormack, Spokesman
Abduction of Workers in South Kordofan State, Sudan
The United States expresses its deep concern for the well-being of nine Chinese and Sudanese workers reportedly kidnapped on October 18 in South Kordofan State. The parties responsible for the kidnapping must release the workers immediately and without harm.
The United States deplores all violence in Sudan. Such insecurity threatens all actors in Sudan – from the civilian population to international aid workers and peacekeepers to private citizens – and undermines the prospects for peace throughout the country. We express hope that an expeditious investigation will bring the perpetrators of these cowardly acts to justice.
The United States reiterates its call for the speedy deployment of the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur as a means of stemming insecurity in Darfur. We also call upon the United Nations Mission in the Sudan to fully implement its mandate in response to such insecurity in other parts of Sudan.
# # #
Monday, October 20, 2008
In case you missed it: Chinese Oil Workers Kidnapped in Sudan
Sudanese authorities say unidentified gunmen have abducted nine Chinese oil workers in central Sudan. They say the workers were seized Saturday in Sudan's oil district of Abyei in South Kordofan state.
A diplomatic source said two Sudanese drivers were also taken, but that one of them was released and informed authorities. It was the third attack on Chinese interests over the past 12 months in the African country.
Sudanese government officials blame a Darfur rebel group, the Justice and Equality Movement, for the kidnapping, but diplomats say the captors were probably local tribesmen.
The Chinese embassy in Sudan said Sunday it has little information on the circumstances of the kidnapping, but that it is doing all it can to find the missing Chinese nationals.
South Kordofan lies in Sudan's central Nuba Mountains region, near the country's contested north-south border. Last year, rebels from Sudan's Darfur region attacked two Chinese-operated oil fields in Kordofan. The rebel Justice and Equality Movement accused China of indirectly funding the Sudanese government's war effort in Darfur through investment in Sudan's oil industry.
A diplomatic source said two Sudanese drivers were also taken, but that one of them was released and informed authorities. It was the third attack on Chinese interests over the past 12 months in the African country.
Sudanese government officials blame a Darfur rebel group, the Justice and Equality Movement, for the kidnapping, but diplomats say the captors were probably local tribesmen.
The Chinese embassy in Sudan said Sunday it has little information on the circumstances of the kidnapping, but that it is doing all it can to find the missing Chinese nationals.
South Kordofan lies in Sudan's central Nuba Mountains region, near the country's contested north-south border. Last year, rebels from Sudan's Darfur region attacked two Chinese-operated oil fields in Kordofan. The rebel Justice and Equality Movement accused China of indirectly funding the Sudanese government's war effort in Darfur through investment in Sudan's oil industry.
Friday, October 17, 2008
Eastern Congo Violence Explodes
Worldfocus correspondent Michael Kavanagh is currently reporting from the North Kivu region of eastern Congo. He is a also a journalist for the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting. Below is a selection of recent journal entries from Michael’s reporting in Goma.
His entries lead up to the intense fighting over the last couple days.
October 11, 2008: Curfew in Goma — NGOs grow anxious
I just came home from several days in the field. When I turned on my phone again, I got a text saying there was a 6 p.m. curfew for fear that UN vehicles would be attacked - at this point, it seems anyone who’s not Congolese or driving in a white 4×4 is considered U.N.
It’s becoming incredibly difficult to operate in North Kivu. It’s not just the insecurity - tensions are so high between the government and the CNDP that aid groups are having a terrible time moving across front lines. This means it’s even worse for journalists - more than ever I need the aid groups to get around but they’ve become paranoid about transporting journalists for fear of jeopardizing their access and - more importantly - the safety of their staff.
Before I move with aid workers I need to agree to a series of rules about what I can and cannot report on. This means that most of what I’m doing I can’t write about here.
October 9, 2008: Waiting for the Rwanda invasion
The Congolese Ambassador to the U.N. just told the Security Council that Rwanda invaded eastern Congo last night, and the Rwandan army is waiting along the border outside Goma, ready to take the town over. Here in Goma — where we can see Rwanda across Lake Kivu — I live about a five-minute walk from the border, and we’re drinking tea.
Blaming Rwanda is a fallback tactic for the Congolese government and army when things go wrong. It inflames nationalist sentiment and brings up memories of past Rwandan invasions — this has the added effect of turning the population against Kinyarwanda speakers in the east, particularly against Tutsis. There may be some truth to it this time - the RDF is not at the border waiting to get in (I was back and forth over the border a few times this weekend).
But it wouldn’t be out of the question for small groups of Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) soldiers to cross the border to help the CNDP [Nkunda's National Congress for People’s Defense]. Of course, as one prominent former government minister told me yesterday, “So what, Rwanda sends a battalion. DRC has eight brigades here. It shouldn’t be a fight.”
See the special section with more of these reports on the Worldfocus website.
His entries lead up to the intense fighting over the last couple days.
October 11, 2008: Curfew in Goma — NGOs grow anxious
I just came home from several days in the field. When I turned on my phone again, I got a text saying there was a 6 p.m. curfew for fear that UN vehicles would be attacked - at this point, it seems anyone who’s not Congolese or driving in a white 4×4 is considered U.N.
It’s becoming incredibly difficult to operate in North Kivu. It’s not just the insecurity - tensions are so high between the government and the CNDP that aid groups are having a terrible time moving across front lines. This means it’s even worse for journalists - more than ever I need the aid groups to get around but they’ve become paranoid about transporting journalists for fear of jeopardizing their access and - more importantly - the safety of their staff.
Before I move with aid workers I need to agree to a series of rules about what I can and cannot report on. This means that most of what I’m doing I can’t write about here.
October 9, 2008: Waiting for the Rwanda invasion
The Congolese Ambassador to the U.N. just told the Security Council that Rwanda invaded eastern Congo last night, and the Rwandan army is waiting along the border outside Goma, ready to take the town over. Here in Goma — where we can see Rwanda across Lake Kivu — I live about a five-minute walk from the border, and we’re drinking tea.
Blaming Rwanda is a fallback tactic for the Congolese government and army when things go wrong. It inflames nationalist sentiment and brings up memories of past Rwandan invasions — this has the added effect of turning the population against Kinyarwanda speakers in the east, particularly against Tutsis. There may be some truth to it this time - the RDF is not at the border waiting to get in (I was back and forth over the border a few times this weekend).
But it wouldn’t be out of the question for small groups of Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) soldiers to cross the border to help the CNDP [Nkunda's National Congress for People’s Defense]. Of course, as one prominent former government minister told me yesterday, “So what, Rwanda sends a battalion. DRC has eight brigades here. It shouldn’t be a fight.”
See the special section with more of these reports on the Worldfocus website.
Thursday, October 16, 2008
NATO Warships En Route to Somali Coast for Anti-Piracy Ops
NATO has announced that seven ships from six NATO navies transitted the Suez Canal on October 15, 2008, on their way to conduct anti-piracy duties and visit NATO partner nations in the Gulf region.
In response to a UN request, NATO defence ministers last week authorised NATO naval vessels to help protect World Food Programme ships carrying desperately needed supplies to conflict-ridden Somalia. This Alliance presence will also help to deter acts of piracy that continue to threaten the region.
Standing NATO Maritime Group 2 (SNMG2) already was scheduled to conduct a series of Gulf port visits and will take on the anti-piracy role off the coast of Somalia. Given the very short-notice, details of how the group will conduct the anti-piracy mission and also carry out port visits are still being finalised.
SNMG2 is scheduled to visit partners of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative in Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.
General John Craddock, Supreme Allied Commander Europe, said, "The threat of piracy is real and growing in many parts of the world today, and this response is a good illustration of NATO's ability to adapt quickly to new security challenges."
SNMG2 currently comprises ships from Germany, Greece, Italy, Turkey, United Kingdom and United States. Command of SNMG2 is assumed on rotation by contributing nations and currently is Rear Admiral Giovanni Gumiero, Italian Navy.
SNMG2 currently comprises:
ITS Durand de la Penne (flagship, destroyer D560, Italy)
FGS Karlsruhe (frigate F212, Germany)
FGS Rhhn (auxiliary A1443, Germany)
HS Themistokles (frigate F465, Greece)
TCG Gokova (frigate G496, Turkey)
HMS Cumberland (frigate F85, United Kingdom)
USS The Sullivans (destroyer DDG 68, USA)
As NATO's anti-piracy effort is formalized, the Alliance will continue to coordinate its assistance with the World Food Program, the European Union and the U.S. Led Operation Enduring Freedom who are all involved in this humanitarian and security effort.
In response to a UN request, NATO defence ministers last week authorised NATO naval vessels to help protect World Food Programme ships carrying desperately needed supplies to conflict-ridden Somalia. This Alliance presence will also help to deter acts of piracy that continue to threaten the region.
Standing NATO Maritime Group 2 (SNMG2) already was scheduled to conduct a series of Gulf port visits and will take on the anti-piracy role off the coast of Somalia. Given the very short-notice, details of how the group will conduct the anti-piracy mission and also carry out port visits are still being finalised.
SNMG2 is scheduled to visit partners of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative in Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.
General John Craddock, Supreme Allied Commander Europe, said, "The threat of piracy is real and growing in many parts of the world today, and this response is a good illustration of NATO's ability to adapt quickly to new security challenges."
SNMG2 currently comprises ships from Germany, Greece, Italy, Turkey, United Kingdom and United States. Command of SNMG2 is assumed on rotation by contributing nations and currently is Rear Admiral Giovanni Gumiero, Italian Navy.
SNMG2 currently comprises:
ITS Durand de la Penne (flagship, destroyer D560, Italy)
FGS Karlsruhe (frigate F212, Germany)
FGS Rhhn (auxiliary A1443, Germany)
HS Themistokles (frigate F465, Greece)
TCG Gokova (frigate G496, Turkey)
HMS Cumberland (frigate F85, United Kingdom)
USS The Sullivans (destroyer DDG 68, USA)
As NATO's anti-piracy effort is formalized, the Alliance will continue to coordinate its assistance with the World Food Program, the European Union and the U.S. Led Operation Enduring Freedom who are all involved in this humanitarian and security effort.
Tuesday, October 14, 2008
Thwarting Somali Pirates Not A Job For AFRICOM...for the moment
From a transcript posted on AFRICOM's website of a news conference by General Ward:
GEN. WARD: Obviously piracy is something that represses development. It hinders those things that we would want to see occur from the standpoint of freedom of the seas. And so the United Nations, our government, other governments of the world have said piracy is conditions that we look to stamp out. What the command would do would not be developing what our policy would be regarding piracy. Those activities, those policy decisions are made by the policymakers.
Where within that policy direction there are military activities that would be in fact carried out, then the command, Africa Command, would in fact carry those commands out where it resides with our unified command boundaries.
U.S. Central Command currently, with its allocated forces, its allocated forces conduct [counter-]piracy activities in conjunction with international partners and players in the Gulf, in the Indian Ocean. And as greater piracy policy is developed -- as there are indications that it may be happening -- again, United States in conjunction with other international partners, where within those policy directives there are military activities that fall within our geographical area of responsibility, then U.S. Africa Command would in fact be the command that would be responsible for those military activities.
MR. DUDNEY: Well, isn't what's happening along the coast of Somalia now within the purview of Africa Command?
GEN. WARD: Because of the continuity of operations, if you will -- piracy is not new. It's been going on. So as the current piracy situation that exists -- and there's one ship in particular -- because that has occurred previous to my command being a unified command, the continuity of operations, that transition, that mission is continuous Central Command for the time being.
MR. DUDNEY: Is that a problem that goes beyond just that area around Somalia? Do you also have that problem over on the West Coast of Africa?
GEN. WARD: Not so much so. Not so much so. The nations on the west coast of Africa -- illegal fishing, control of their territorial waters. And so piracy per se is not at the same level there as it is there on the east coast of the continent. But there are clearly problems that exist, and that's why some of our programs are designed to address those concerns that the nations of the west coast have with respect to their territorial waters.
MR. DUDNEY: One other thing. Do you think that that mission now being handled by CENTCOM, is that going to transition to Africa Command shortly? I know you just stood the command up last week; but is that going to transition, or is it always going to reside?
GEN. WARD: I wouldn't say always, but I don't know when it would transition but the likelihood is greater than not that eventually those missions would transfer to Africa Command.
GEN. WARD: Obviously piracy is something that represses development. It hinders those things that we would want to see occur from the standpoint of freedom of the seas. And so the United Nations, our government, other governments of the world have said piracy is conditions that we look to stamp out. What the command would do would not be developing what our policy would be regarding piracy. Those activities, those policy decisions are made by the policymakers.
Where within that policy direction there are military activities that would be in fact carried out, then the command, Africa Command, would in fact carry those commands out where it resides with our unified command boundaries.
U.S. Central Command currently, with its allocated forces, its allocated forces conduct [counter-]piracy activities in conjunction with international partners and players in the Gulf, in the Indian Ocean. And as greater piracy policy is developed -- as there are indications that it may be happening -- again, United States in conjunction with other international partners, where within those policy directives there are military activities that fall within our geographical area of responsibility, then U.S. Africa Command would in fact be the command that would be responsible for those military activities.
MR. DUDNEY: Well, isn't what's happening along the coast of Somalia now within the purview of Africa Command?
GEN. WARD: Because of the continuity of operations, if you will -- piracy is not new. It's been going on. So as the current piracy situation that exists -- and there's one ship in particular -- because that has occurred previous to my command being a unified command, the continuity of operations, that transition, that mission is continuous Central Command for the time being.
MR. DUDNEY: Is that a problem that goes beyond just that area around Somalia? Do you also have that problem over on the West Coast of Africa?
GEN. WARD: Not so much so. Not so much so. The nations on the west coast of Africa -- illegal fishing, control of their territorial waters. And so piracy per se is not at the same level there as it is there on the east coast of the continent. But there are clearly problems that exist, and that's why some of our programs are designed to address those concerns that the nations of the west coast have with respect to their territorial waters.
MR. DUDNEY: One other thing. Do you think that that mission now being handled by CENTCOM, is that going to transition to Africa Command shortly? I know you just stood the command up last week; but is that going to transition, or is it always going to reside?
GEN. WARD: I wouldn't say always, but I don't know when it would transition but the likelihood is greater than not that eventually those missions would transfer to Africa Command.
Thursday, October 9, 2008
Top US Defense Official for Africa in Angola
According to Angola's ANGOP news agency, the US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Africa, Theresa Whelan, has been visiting the country and said Wednesday in Luanda that the US intends to deepen cooperation with Angola in the defense field.
Theresa Whelan was speaking to journalists at Luanda’s “4 de Fevereiro” International Airport, short after arriving for a two-day visit to Angola, as part of existing bilateral relations.
She added that the US wants to deepen existing cooperation that has already started in the areas of maritime security and peacekeeping in Africa.The official also mentioned that these are the main topics that will be talked over with the Angolan authorities during her stay in the country.
Answering a question, Theresa Whelen ruled out the establishment in Angola of the US African Command (Africon). She explained that there has been a misunderstanding on the issue as the US has never requested any country to host Africon.
The official reiterated that while in Angola, she will discuss with the authorities the strengthening of relations between the two countries in the military sphere.
In his turn, the national director of International Relations of the Defence Ministry, André Mendes de Carvalho, who welcomed the US delegation, explained that the Angolan Government has never been approached on hosting the Africom.
Theresa Whelan’s programme includes a meeting with the Defence minister, Kundi Pahama. Today she was to visit the Army Headquarters, the Anthropology Museum and the Centre of Strategic Studies.Monday, October 6, 2008
Angola Arms Trial Opens In France
A major arms and graft trial involving shadowy links between France and Angola has opened in Paris. Lisa Bryant reports for VOA from the French capital that the son of a former French president and a former French interior minister are among the defendants.
Forty-two people are on trial in Paris on charges of illegal arms sales to Angola during the 1990s, when the southern-African nation was immersed in civil war.
Prosecutors say helicopters, land mines and warships were shipped to Angola for five years in the 1990s, strengthening President Eduardo Dos Santos' military government against rebel fighters.
The long-awaited case, which has been in the news for years in France, implicates former French interior minister Charles Pasqua and Jean-Christophe Mitterrand, son of deceased French president Francois Mitterrand.
Mr. Dos Santos stands accused of tapping two businessmen for weapons supplies during the war after France refused to sell him tanks - a move that would have violated a U.N. arms embargo against Angola at the time.
Angola has petitioned to stop the trial on grounds that its state interests and national security would be discussed in court and therefore compromised.
Both Pascua and Mitterrand deny charges against them of influence peddling on behalf of Angolan officials and of taking substantial bribes related to the alleged arms trafficking.
Mitterrand told French radio he was completely innocent and that contacts he had with Pierre Falcone, one of two businessmen who allegedly presided over the arms deals, had nothing to do with the weapons shipments. Rather, he said, he had been asked to offer general information on the region, and was paid a commission for his work.
Mitterrand and Pascua face up to 10 years in prison if found guilty, as do both businessmen accused of the arms shipment.
Forty-two people are on trial in Paris on charges of illegal arms sales to Angola during the 1990s, when the southern-African nation was immersed in civil war.
Prosecutors say helicopters, land mines and warships were shipped to Angola for five years in the 1990s, strengthening President Eduardo Dos Santos' military government against rebel fighters.
Mr. Dos Santos stands accused of tapping two businessmen for weapons supplies during the war after France refused to sell him tanks - a move that would have violated a U.N. arms embargo against Angola at the time.
Angola has petitioned to stop the trial on grounds that its state interests and national security would be discussed in court and therefore compromised.
Both Pascua and Mitterrand deny charges against them of influence peddling on behalf of Angolan officials and of taking substantial bribes related to the alleged arms trafficking.
Mitterrand told French radio he was completely innocent and that contacts he had with Pierre Falcone, one of two businessmen who allegedly presided over the arms deals, had nothing to do with the weapons shipments. Rather, he said, he had been asked to offer general information on the region, and was paid a commission for his work.
Mitterrand and Pascua face up to 10 years in prison if found guilty, as do both businessmen accused of the arms shipment.
Friday, October 3, 2008
A Kenyan Falls Victim in the Pirates and the Tanks Saga
An extraordinary story up on VOANews.com: The controversy surrounding the final destination of a cargo of military hardware aboard a ship being held by Somali pirates has deepened with the arrest of the Kenyan official, who broke the news that the consignment was headed for South Sudan, not Kenya. VOA Correspondent Alisha Ryu has this story from Nairobi.
The arrest of East Africa Seafarers Association's Program Director Andrew Mwangura late Wednesday in Mombasa threw another spotlight on the government's statement that 33 Russian-built T-72 tanks, heavy weapons and ammunition aboard the hijacked Ukrainian freighter belongs to Kenya.
Mwangura was the first to report that the pirates had documents, which showed the cargo was to be off-loaded in Mombasa and then taken to South Sudan. The pirates, who seized the vessel off the east coast of Somalia eight days ago and are seeking a multi-million-dollar ransom, have neither confirmed nor denied Mwangura's claim. Separately, the U.S. Navy and defense officials in Washington said that they, too, had reports that the military cargo on the freighter was destined for Sudan.
Mwangura have told the media that several other military shipments in the past year were sent to the southern Sudanese town of Juba through the port in Mombasa. Kenyan and foreign media groups, quoting their own military sources and Western arms experts, have widely reported that South Sudan is believed to have more than 100 Russian-made tanks in its arsenal while the Kenyan military has none.
On Thursday, the maritime official appeared in court in Mombasa, charged with making false and alarming statements to the media. He was also charged with possessing $3 worth of marijuana and ordered to be held until his next court appearance on Tuesday.
Kenyan government spokesman, Alfred Mutua, said the government is investigating what links Mwangura may have with the Somali pirate group holding the ship.
"He is assisting the government in investigations because he appears to have direct connections with the pirates, who have been hijacking ships," he said.
"Pirates appear to call him directly or he has access to people, who have directly access to the pirates. He has appeared the last few times to be their official spokesman."
Mwangura has been a key source of information for many groups, including journalists, on ship hijackings taking place off the coast of Somalia. He has said that his sources include pirates and their families, but that is not unusual.
Many media organizations, including VOA, can easily reach pirates and people who know them via mobile and satellite telephones.
Kepta Ombati, the director of a regional human rights group called the East Africa Social Justice Fund Organization, says he was not surprised to learn that the outspoken maritime official had been arrested.
"We believe Mwangura is telling the truth because there is a possibility that this is part of the arms-running, which has been fueling conflicts around the region and probably the people who are involved in this arms trade are deeply embedded within the government," he said. "Always predictable for a government that is trying to hide very sensitive information is to persecute a whistleblower."
Kenyan government spokesman Alfred Mutua insists the arms shipment is legitimate and was ordered for the Kenyan military.
"The bill of lading clearly shows that it is ours," he said. "When it gets here and we have got the end-user certificate, we are going to give it to you and you will have to eat what they call humble pie."
As many as six U.S. Navy destroyers, cruisers, and amphibious ships are near the captured freighter, anchored about 11 kilometers off the town of Hobyo in central Somalia. Navy officials say their goal is to make certain that the ship's 20 hostages are safe and the cargo does not fall into the wrong hands.
The arrest of East Africa Seafarers Association's Program Director Andrew Mwangura late Wednesday in Mombasa threw another spotlight on the government's statement that 33 Russian-built T-72 tanks, heavy weapons and ammunition aboard the hijacked Ukrainian freighter belongs to Kenya.
Mwangura was the first to report that the pirates had documents, which showed the cargo was to be off-loaded in Mombasa and then taken to South Sudan. The pirates, who seized the vessel off the east coast of Somalia eight days ago and are seeking a multi-million-dollar ransom, have neither confirmed nor denied Mwangura's claim. Separately, the U.S. Navy and defense officials in Washington said that they, too, had reports that the military cargo on the freighter was destined for Sudan.
Mwangura have told the media that several other military shipments in the past year were sent to the southern Sudanese town of Juba through the port in Mombasa. Kenyan and foreign media groups, quoting their own military sources and Western arms experts, have widely reported that South Sudan is believed to have more than 100 Russian-made tanks in its arsenal while the Kenyan military has none.
On Thursday, the maritime official appeared in court in Mombasa, charged with making false and alarming statements to the media. He was also charged with possessing $3 worth of marijuana and ordered to be held until his next court appearance on Tuesday.
Kenyan government spokesman, Alfred Mutua, said the government is investigating what links Mwangura may have with the Somali pirate group holding the ship.
"He is assisting the government in investigations because he appears to have direct connections with the pirates, who have been hijacking ships," he said.
"Pirates appear to call him directly or he has access to people, who have directly access to the pirates. He has appeared the last few times to be their official spokesman."
Mwangura has been a key source of information for many groups, including journalists, on ship hijackings taking place off the coast of Somalia. He has said that his sources include pirates and their families, but that is not unusual.
Many media organizations, including VOA, can easily reach pirates and people who know them via mobile and satellite telephones.
Kepta Ombati, the director of a regional human rights group called the East Africa Social Justice Fund Organization, says he was not surprised to learn that the outspoken maritime official had been arrested.
"We believe Mwangura is telling the truth because there is a possibility that this is part of the arms-running, which has been fueling conflicts around the region and probably the people who are involved in this arms trade are deeply embedded within the government," he said. "Always predictable for a government that is trying to hide very sensitive information is to persecute a whistleblower."
Kenyan government spokesman Alfred Mutua insists the arms shipment is legitimate and was ordered for the Kenyan military.
"The bill of lading clearly shows that it is ours," he said. "When it gets here and we have got the end-user certificate, we are going to give it to you and you will have to eat what they call humble pie."
As many as six U.S. Navy destroyers, cruisers, and amphibious ships are near the captured freighter, anchored about 11 kilometers off the town of Hobyo in central Somalia. Navy officials say their goal is to make certain that the ship's 20 hostages are safe and the cargo does not fall into the wrong hands.
Wednesday, October 1, 2008
Rendition Suspects in Ethiopia
Human Rights Watch says at least 10 people are being detained without charges in Ethiopia, following an operation in early 2007 that covertly transferred terrorism suspects between countries in the Horn of Africa region. VOA's Derek Kilner reports from Nairobi the group says the program was conducted with the complicity of the United States.
In late 2006, Ethiopian troops launched a military operation to ousted the Islamic Courts Union from control of Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia. The ensuing fighting caused thousands of people to flee west across the border into Kenya, joining the already sizable community of refugees that had fled earlier rounds of violence in Somalia.
According to a new report by Human Rights Watch, more than 150 of these people, citizens of 18 different countries and including women and children, were detained by Kenyan authorities. At least 90 were then taken back into Somalia, where they were handed over to Ethiopian troops and moved again, to Addis Ababa.
The report is based on testimony from current and former detainees. Many say they were tortured and confined to cramped cells. They were denied access to lawyers and human rights groups, and were not allowed to contact their families.
Human Rights Watch says many of the detainees were interrogated by U.S. officials from the Central Intelligence Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and many were released only after their interviews with American officials were completed.
Jennifer Daskal is a Senior Counsel for terrorism issues at Human Rights Watch, and an author of the report.
"We know that there were American agents in Ethiopia who interviewed several detainees after they had been rendered," she said. "Presumably they had some knowledge about what happened to these men women and children. And the United States is certainly complicit in the fact that its agents were interrogating individuals who were without a doubt being held incommunicado and in many cases also being physically abused."
Human Rights Watch says nine Kenyans and one Canadian remain in Ethiopian custody and more than 20 East Africans are unaccounted for. The remaining detainees have communicated with rights groups, and have been visited by Kenyan officials, but despite pledges to repatriate them they remain in Ethiopia.
The renditions have long been an issue of concern to Muslims and rights groups in the region.
"These renditions are extremely high profile, particularly in Kenya, where there are a number of local groups who are working to pressure the Kenyan national government to do something to get the Kenyan citizens who are still detained in Ethiopia home," Daskal said. "And there is a widespread belief, whether it is true or not that Washington supported and backed these renditions. And it contributes to the anti-American sentiment that is growing and pretty palpable in the region."
Officials in Kenya, Ethiopia, and the United States have said in the past that the detainees were legitimate terror suspects and have denied taking any illegal actions. Kenyan officials were not immediately available for comment on Wednesday, a public holiday.
The release of the report comes on the day that the American military's new Africa Command, or AFRICOM, officially launches on the continent. AFRICOM has been billed as an interagency program with a focus on soft power, including humanitarian projects and training, as well as a way to streamline military operations on the continent.
But many in the region are concerned about a growing American military presence on the continent, particularly one that appears overly focused on issues of terrorism. Nowhere is this impression stronger than in the Horn of Africa, where the United States has been pursuing terrorism suspects in lawless Somalia.
The U.S. military has fired several air strikes at terrorism suspects inside Somalia. In May, one such strike killed Aden Hashi Ayro, a leader of the radical Islamist Shabab militia, which has ties to al Qaida. But other strikes have been less successful, and analysts say civilian casualties have stirred anti-American sentiment in Somalia.
In late 2006, Ethiopian troops launched a military operation to ousted the Islamic Courts Union from control of Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia. The ensuing fighting caused thousands of people to flee west across the border into Kenya, joining the already sizable community of refugees that had fled earlier rounds of violence in Somalia.
According to a new report by Human Rights Watch, more than 150 of these people, citizens of 18 different countries and including women and children, were detained by Kenyan authorities. At least 90 were then taken back into Somalia, where they were handed over to Ethiopian troops and moved again, to Addis Ababa.
The report is based on testimony from current and former detainees. Many say they were tortured and confined to cramped cells. They were denied access to lawyers and human rights groups, and were not allowed to contact their families.
Human Rights Watch says many of the detainees were interrogated by U.S. officials from the Central Intelligence Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and many were released only after their interviews with American officials were completed.
Jennifer Daskal is a Senior Counsel for terrorism issues at Human Rights Watch, and an author of the report.
"We know that there were American agents in Ethiopia who interviewed several detainees after they had been rendered," she said. "Presumably they had some knowledge about what happened to these men women and children. And the United States is certainly complicit in the fact that its agents were interrogating individuals who were without a doubt being held incommunicado and in many cases also being physically abused."
Human Rights Watch says nine Kenyans and one Canadian remain in Ethiopian custody and more than 20 East Africans are unaccounted for. The remaining detainees have communicated with rights groups, and have been visited by Kenyan officials, but despite pledges to repatriate them they remain in Ethiopia.
The renditions have long been an issue of concern to Muslims and rights groups in the region.
"These renditions are extremely high profile, particularly in Kenya, where there are a number of local groups who are working to pressure the Kenyan national government to do something to get the Kenyan citizens who are still detained in Ethiopia home," Daskal said. "And there is a widespread belief, whether it is true or not that Washington supported and backed these renditions. And it contributes to the anti-American sentiment that is growing and pretty palpable in the region."
Officials in Kenya, Ethiopia, and the United States have said in the past that the detainees were legitimate terror suspects and have denied taking any illegal actions. Kenyan officials were not immediately available for comment on Wednesday, a public holiday.
The release of the report comes on the day that the American military's new Africa Command, or AFRICOM, officially launches on the continent. AFRICOM has been billed as an interagency program with a focus on soft power, including humanitarian projects and training, as well as a way to streamline military operations on the continent.
But many in the region are concerned about a growing American military presence on the continent, particularly one that appears overly focused on issues of terrorism. Nowhere is this impression stronger than in the Horn of Africa, where the United States has been pursuing terrorism suspects in lawless Somalia.
The U.S. military has fired several air strikes at terrorism suspects inside Somalia. In May, one such strike killed Aden Hashi Ayro, a leader of the radical Islamist Shabab militia, which has ties to al Qaida. But other strikes have been less successful, and analysts say civilian casualties have stirred anti-American sentiment in Somalia.
