Drug Trafficking in West Africa

Dennis C. Blair, Director of National Intelligence, this week presented the "Annual Threat Assessment of the Intelligence Community" to the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. You can read his entire prepared report here.

(The entire section on Africa is also posted at this site.)

But here is an excerpt on drug trafficking in Africa:

Drug Trafficking in West Africa

Drug trafficking has become a major problem in West Africa, and the emergence of
Guinea-Bissau as Africa’s first narco-state highlights the scope of the problem and what may be in store for other states in the region. Away from the scrutiny of local and international law enforcement, drug traffickers, often departing from Venezuela by air and sea, have transported large quantities of drugs, predominantly cocaine, from Latin America to European markets through the porous borders of more that a half dozen West African countries. Traffickers have successfully co-opted government and law enforcement officials in these countries, further undermining weak and economically impoverished governments who lack adequate law enforcement and judicial capacity. ECOWAS sponsored a conference in Cape Verde in late 2008 to address this issue and the governments of Great Britain and France have conducted limited law enforcement and counternarcotics training in the region, but drug trafficking in West
Africa probably will continue to expand in volume and scope in the absence of a concerted international effort to stop it.

A Nuclear Kenya, Courtesy of Iran?

Iranian state TV says President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has returned home after visiting three African countries: Djibouti, Kenya and Comoros.

While all the stops were of interest, one element of his stop in Kenya was particularly eye-catching.

VOA Correspondent Alisha Ryu reported from Nairobi that Kenyan media reports raised the possibility that Iran may be poised to sign a deal to help Kenya build a nuclear power plant to generate electricity. An Iranian company has already been hired by the Kenyan government to construct a hydroelectric power plant north of Nairobi and a gas power plant near Mombasa.

She quoted Joshua Musyimi, who heads an energy development project at the Kenyan Ministry of Planning, as saying the government has made no secret that it is urgently looking for a partner, who can provide the technical know-how to develop a nuclear energy program for Kenya. He says soaring electricity demand, volatile oil prices, and limited natural resources are some of the reasons why Kenya is interested in nuclear energy.

"Given the situation, the government has decided to diversify power generation resources away from the very high-cost, oil-based power plants," Musyimi said. "So, for a start, it is proposed that the private sector be given an opportunity to develop a 300-1000 megawatt nuclear power plant over the next seven years."

Iran's nuclear ambitions have been a source of alarm for the West and Israel. They have repeatedly accused the Persian Gulf state of seeking not just to produce electricity but to produce the plutonium needed to build nuclear weapons.

Zimbabwe, Sudan and Mauritania Blasted in State Department Human Rights Report

The U.S. State Department today issued its annual report on human rights practices around the world. You can see a list of the individual country reports here.

Several countries come in for sharp criticism. Not surprisingly, they include Zimbabwe, Sudan and Mauritania.

Here is what the summary says about Africa:

Several African countries served as stabilizing forces on the continent and as powerful examples of the peace and stability that come with respect for the rule of law. Nevertheless, during the year, human rights and democratic development in the region continued to face severe challenges, especially in a number of countries plagued by conflict and others in which a culture of rule of law was fledgling or did not exist.

In many countries, civilians continued to suffer from abuses at the hands of government security forces acting with impunity. In several countries, the systematic use of torture by security forces on detainees and prisoners remained a severe problem, and conditions in detention centers and prisons often were squalid and life threatening. Many detainees suffered lengthy pretrial detentions, waiting months or years before going before a judge.

For those countries embroiled in conflicts, ending violence remained central to improving human rights conditions. Warring parties failed to implement political agreements designed to bring peace and stability. Violent conflict continued or erupted anew in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, and Sudan, resulting in mass killings, rape, and displacements of civilians. The Sudanese government continued to collaborate with janjaweed militias to bomb and destroy villages, killing or displacing hundreds of thousands more innocent civilians.

Authoritarian rule continued to characterize many African countries, for example: in Zimbabwe, the Mugabe regime unleashed a campaign of terror that resulted in the killing, disappearance, and torture of hundreds of opposition party members and supporters following the March 29 elections that were not free and fair. Government repression, restrictions, and mismanagement caused the displacement of tens of thousands, increased food insecurity, and created a cholera epidemic, which killed 1,500 people by year's end. Previously postponed presidential elections were further delayed in Cote d'Ivoire. A coup ousted a democratically elected government in Mauritania. Following the death of Lansana Conte, Guinea's longtime president, a military junta seized power in a coup and suspended the constitution.

There were, however, some bright spots during the year. Angola held its first elections since 1992 and there were peaceful, orderly, and democratic elections in Ghana and Zambia. Due process and respect for the rule of law prevailed in Nigeria as opposition candidates from the 2007 presidential election respected the Nigerian Supreme Court's ruling upholding President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua's election. The United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda sentenced a former Rwandan army colonel to life in prison for organizing the militants responsible for the killing of 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus during the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

Selected Country Developments

The human rights situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) deteriorated further during the year, severely undermining the country's progress since national elections in 2006. Despite the signing of the Goma peace accords in January and the presence of UN peacekeepers, fighting continued in North and South Kivu throughout the year. Security forces and all armed groups continued to act with impunity, committing frequent serious abuses including arbitrary killings, disappearances, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, rape, looting, and the use of children as combatants. The conflict continued to fuel the worst humanitarian crisis in Africa, resulting in as many as 45,000 Congolese deaths each month, a total of more than one million internally displaced persons, and dozens of attacks on humanitarian workers by armed groups. Pervasive sexual violence continued, including more than 2,200 registered cases of rape in June in North Kivu alone. Throughout the country, security forces harassed, beat, intimidated, and arrested local human rights advocates and journalists, resulting in a marked deterioration in press freedom.

Eritrea's poor human rights record worsened and the government continued to commit serious abuses including unlawful killings by security forces with impunity. The ruling People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) is the only legal political party and no national elections have been held since Eritrea gained independence in 1993. The constitution, ratified in 1997, has never been implemented. The independent press remained banned, and most independent journalists were in detention or had fled the country. Government roundups of young people for national service intensified in 2008. Credible reports indicate that national service evaders were tortured while in detention, and security forces shot individuals trying to cross the border into Ethiopia. Religious freedom, already severely restricted, declined further. At year's end over 3,200 Christians from unregistered groups were detained in prison, as were more than 35 leaders and pastors of Pentecostal churches, some of whom had been detained for more than three years without charge or due process. At least three religious prisoners died in captivity during the year, from torture and lack of medical treatment.

The violence following Kenya's December 2007 local, parliamentary, and presidential elections ended in February when an international mediation process produced an agreement to form a coalition government under which President Mwai Kibaki retained his office, and opposition candidate Raila Odinga was appointed to a newly-created prime ministerial position. The political settlement established a reform framework to investigate and address the underlying causes of the violence, which killed approximately 1,500 persons and displaced more than 500,000. Progress on reform was slow and efforts to address the economic and social aftermath of the violence were incomplete. Separately, the deployment of security forces to Mount Elgon to quell an abusive militia resulted in human rights abuses by security forces.

Mauritania's human rights record deteriorated, with an abridgement of citizens' rights to change their government, arbitrary arrests, and the political detentions of the president and prime minister following an August 6 coup. The president was released from detention in December; however, the military junta, known as the High State Council (HSC), remained in power with General Mohamed Aziz as head of state at the end of the year. Members of the international community, including the African Union, strongly condemned the coup. Prior to the August 6 coup, the then-democratically elected government supported nationwide sensitization on a new antislavery law and increased public discussion on formerly taboo issues, such as ethnic divisions and social injustices. That government also supported national reconciliation efforts regarding the country's 1989–1991 expulsion of Afro-Mauritanians through the launch of a repatriation program in coordination with UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

In Nigeria, the courts continued to adjudicate the results of the seriously flawed 2007 presidential, gubernatorial, and legislative elections. On December 12, the Supreme Court rejected the appeals of two major opposition presidential candidates, upholding the election of President Yar'Adua. The two opposition leaders respected the court's ruling. Election tribunals nullified nine senatorial elections and 11 gubernatorial elections during the year. Violence continued in the oil-producing Niger Delta region, where over 400 persons (Nigerian nationals and expatriates) were kidnapped in approximately 100 incidents during the year. In November, ethno-religious violence erupted in Jos, resulting in the deaths of several hundred persons and the displacement of tens of thousands. Corruption continued to plague the resource-rich country and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission's anticorruption efforts declined, with little progress on prosecutions of federal, state, and local officials accused of corruption.

In Somalia, fighting among the Transitional Federal Government (TFG)/Ethiopian National Defense Forces and their militias, the Council of Islamic Courts militias, antigovernment and extremist groups, terrorist organizations, and clan militias resulted in widespread human rights abuses, including the killing of more than 1,000 civilians, the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people, kidnappings and disappearances, and attacks on journalists, aid workers, civil society leaders, and human rights activists. The political process to establish peace and stability in the country continued as the TFG and the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia reached the Djibouti Agreement on June 9 and began to implement its terms; however, implementation was slow and marred by political infighting.

In Sudan,conflict in Darfur entered its fifth year and civilians continued to suffer from the effects of genocide. UN data from 2008 indicated that, since it began, the protracted conflict has left more than 2.7 million people internally displaced and another 250,000 across the border in Chad, where they sought refuge. Government, government-aligned militias, and intertribal attacks killed civilians. Government forces bombed villages, killed internally displaced persons, and collaborated with militias to raze villages. The government systematically impeded and obstructed humanitarian efforts, and rebels and bandits killed humanitarian workers. Unidentified assailants killed several joint AU-UN peacekeeping mission troops, and government forces attacked a peacekeeping convoy. On May 10, the Justice and Equality Movement, a Darfur rebel group, attacked Omdurman, near Khartoum. The government committed wide scale politically- and ethnically-motivated detentions and disappearances in Omdurman and Khartoum following the attack. The government severely restricted freedom of the press, including through direct and daily censorship. Since 2005, when the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the North and the South was signed, approximately 2.1 million displaced persons and refugees have returned to the South. However, tensions over the implementation of the CPA persisted, and fighting between northern and southern forces destroyed much of Abyei town, killing civilians and displacing more than 50,000 people.

Zimbabwe’s illegitimate government engaged in the systematic abuse of human rights, which increased dramatically during the year, in conjunction with an escalating humanitarian crisis caused by repression, corruption, and destructive economic and food policies, which the Mugabe regime persisted in applying despite their disastrous humanitarian consequences. Civil society and humanitarian organizations were targeted by government and militant groups for their efforts to protect citizens' rights and provide life-saving humanitarian assistance. A nearly three-month ban on the activities of NGOs exacerbated the humanitarian crisis as well as food insecurity and poverty. After the ban was lifted, the Mugabe regime continued to impede humanitarian access. Millions of Zimbabweans were food insecure at year's end.

The regime's manipulation of the political process, including the presidential elections, through intimidation, violence, corruption and vote fraud negated the right of citizens to change their government. Security forces and ruling party supporters killed, abducted, and tortured members of the opposition, student leaders, civil society activists and ordinary Zimbabweans with impunity. The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) factions gained a parliamentary majority in the March 29 election, but the results of the presidential race were not released until May 2, calling into question the credibility and independence of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. Government-sponsored violence in the period leading up to the June 27 run-off left more than 190 dead, thousands injured, and tens of thousands displaced. The Electoral Commission declared Mugabe the winner of the run-off election after MDC candidate Morgan Tsvangirai-–who had scored a strong plurality in the first round--withdrew because of the Mugabe regime's violence directed at the MDC and its supporters and out of recognition that a free and fair election was not possible. Negotiations mandated by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) led to a September 15 power-sharing agreement; however, due to government intransigence, the provisions of the deal had not been implemented by year's end and the country remained in crisis.

Angola and Elections: Urgent Need of Reform

Human Rights Watch has issued a must-read report on Angola's electoral record ahead of planned presidential elections sometime this year --- the first since 1992. The executive summary of the report charges that Parliamentary elections held in Angola in September 2008 failed to fully meet regional and international standards. It says urgent reforms are essential if the people of Angola are to be able to freely exercise their civil and political rights and vote for the presidential candidate of their choice.

Here is what the executive summary of the HRW report says:

The parliamentary elections on September 5-6, 2008, were the first in 16 years. They brought a resounding victory for the ruling Popular Liberation Movement of Angola (MPLA), in power since 1975, with 81.7 percent of the vote. The elections were contested by 14 political parties and coalitions, but only four opposition parties were able to secure representation in parliament, where the MPLA's landslide translated into 191 of the 220 seats.

In 2008, in the months before the official parliamentary election campaign, Human Rights Watch raised doubts about prospects for the elections being free and fair: The oversight body, the National Electoral Commission (CNE) lacked impartiality because it is dominated by the ruling party; the media environment was unfavourable to the opposition and freedom of expression restricted; unchecked intimidation and political violence by ruling party supporters was preventing opposition parties from campaigning freely throughout the country; and a climate of repression prevailed in the enclave of Cabinda, where armed conflict has continued despite a 2006 peace agreement.

During the one-month official election campaign period, which opened on August 5, 2008, Human Rights Watch witnessed some improvement. Unlike during the pre-campaign period, the police provided protection to opposition parties, meaning they could campaign freely. However, in many other ways the playing field remained considerably slanted in favour of the ruling party. The CNE failed in its role as oversight body, doing nothing to prevent or respond to major violations of election laws during the campaign, such as unequal access to state funds and to the state media. It also obstructed accreditation for national election observers from civil society. On polling day, important safeguards against manipulation such as the use of voter's rolls were breached, and the CNE obstructed independent monitoring of the tabulation process.

Opposition parties and observers have not presented evidence of deliberate government manipulation of the polls, and political parties have accepted the election results after their formal complaints were rejected by the Constitutional Court. Nevertheless, the scope of shortcomings and uncertainty of their impact affected the credibility of the election process. The government announced an independent inquiry into the verified irregularities, but the inquiry that purportedly took place was not independent and no report was published.

President José Eduardo dos Santos has already announced that a presidential election will take place in 2009. The actual date has not been named, however, and the president is required to give a minimum of 90 days' notice. For the 2008 parliamentary elections, the president left it to the very last minute to announce the date, and there is a danger this scenario will be repeated. Moreover, in November 2008 the president announced that a new constitution would be approved before scheduling a presidential election and raised the possibility that the new constitution may lead to the president's being elected by parliament rather than through a new poll. This has raised uncertainty as to whether the presidential election will take place in 2009, or at all.

Nevertheless, the uncertainty cannot be an excuse for inaction. The government should correct the shortcomings observed during the parliamentary election process and introduce reforms to ensure that future electoral processes fully meet international standards and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.

In addition, the government should undertake efforts to ensure that space for opposition parties, independent civil society, and media does not suffer further restrictions. Since the 2008 elections there have been no signs of improvement in that regard. Urgent efforts are needed to safeguard the democratization process initiated in 1991 and build on the relative calm of September 2008's election.

(The full HRW report can be seen here.)

Al-Qaida in Niger Claims Responsibility for Hostage Seizures

The group calling itself "al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb" says it is holding Canadian diplomat Robert Fowler and his aide Louis Guay who were kidnapped in Niger in December. The group is also claiming responsibility for last month's abduction of four Western tourists near the border with Mali.

More on this story at http://africomwatch.blogspot.com/

Niger Delta Seaborne Raiders Outpace Somali Pirates

Phil Carter, the Acting Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, recently spoke at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies in Washington, DC on U.S. Policy in Africa in the 21st Century. You can see the full transcript on the AFRICOM website.

What caught my eye were his comments on the importance of maritime security, an issue which he said "is gaining in importance." That's not surprising in light of all the publicity about Somali pirates and their activities.

However what was noteworthy was this comment: "Nigeria has now surpassed Somalia as the most dangerous maritime region in Africa, with only Indonesia registering more incidents in 2007."

If you had any doubt about this, today's news may force you to rethink. This report appears on the International Herald Tribune website:

Gunmen in motor boats attacked the presidential palace in oil-producing Equatorial Guinea's island capital on Tuesday before being repelled by the armed forces, the government said. The government said the attackers came from the Niger Delta, a Nigerian territory where seaborne raiding parties have grown increasingly bold in the past two years, launching raids against banks and other targets in neighboring countries.

Residents in Malabo, the island hub of the fast-growing offshore oil industry in Equatorial Guinea, sub-Saharan Africa's third biggest crude producer, said the sound of gunfire woke them and said government forces used a helicopter gunship to repel the pre-dawn attack.

"Our country was once again the victim of an attack by the rebels of the Delta on the city of Malabo," the government said in a statement. "A contingent of rebel terrorists from the Delta arrived in numerous boats and tried to invade the capital, with the aim of taking and destroying the presidential palace," it said.

At least one attacker was shot and killed, and another group drowned when their boat was sunk by the Navy, it added.

Equatorial Guinea, a former Spanish colony, has suffered decades of instability and in 2004 dozens of foreign mercenaries, mostly South Africans, were caught trying to overthrow the president.

Government aircraft, including at least one helicopter gunship, took to the air over the city during the engagement, said a Western resident who declined to be identified.

"The situation has returned to something like calm. There was obviously some attack or attempted attack made in the vicinity of the presidential compound," he said.

Although the government said the gunmen had tried to seize the presidential palace, the Spanish Foreign Ministry said the attack appeared to be criminal in nature, rather than an attempted coup d'état.

[Readers may wish to dig out an old copy of "The Dogs of War" by Frederick Forsyth.]

Rwandan Genocide Expert Killed in Plane Crash

The following was issued by Human Rights Watch:

It is with enormous sadness that Human Rights Watch announces the death of our beloved colleague Dr. Alison Des Forges, who was killed in the crash of Flight 3407 from Newark to Buffalo on February 12, 2009. Des Forges, senior adviser to Human Rights Watch's Africa division for almost two decades, dedicated her life to working on Rwanda and was the world's leading expert on the 1994 Rwanda genocide and its aftermath.

"Alison's loss is a devastating blow not only to Human Rights Watch but also to the people of Rwanda and the Great Lakes region," said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. "She was truly wonderful, the epitome of the human rights activist - principled, dispassionate, committed to the truth and to using that truth to protect ordinary people. She was among the first to highlight the ethnic tensions that led to the genocide, and when it happened and the world stood by and watched, Alison did everything humanly possible to save people. Then she wrote the definitive account. There was no one who knew more and did more to document the genocide and to help bring the perpetrators to justice."

Des Forges, born in Schenectady, New York, in 1942, began working on Rwanda as a student and dedicated her life and work to understanding the country, to exposing the serial abuses suffered by its people and helping to bring about change. She was best known for her award-winning account of the genocide, "Leave None to Tell the Story," and won a MacArthur Award (the "Genius Grant") in 1999. She appeared as an expert witness in 11 trials for genocide at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, three trials in Belgium, and at trials in Switzerland, the Netherlands, and Canada. She also provided documents and other assistance in judicial proceedings involving genocide in four other national jurisdictions, including the United States.

Clear-eyed and even-handed, Des Forges made herself unpopular in Rwanda by insisting that the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front forces, which defeated the genocidal regime, should also be held to account for their crimes, including the murder of 30,000 people during and just after the genocide. The Rwandan government banned her from the country in 2008 after Human Rights Watch published an extensive analysis of judicial reform there, drawing attention to problems of inappropriate prosecution and external influence on the judiciary that resulted in trials and verdicts that in several cases failed to conform to facts of the cases.

"She never forgot about the crimes committed by the Rwandan government's forces, and that was unpopular, especially in the United States and in Britain," said Roth. "She was really a thorn in everyone's side, and that's a testament to her integrity and sense of principle and commitment to the truth."

Des Forges was not only admired but loved by her colleagues, for her extraordinary commitment to human rights principles and her tremendous generosity as a mentor and friend.

"Alison was the rock within the Africa team, a fount of knowledge, but also a tremendous source of guidance and support to all of us," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "She was almost a mother to us all, unfailingly wise and reasonable, absolutely honest yet diplomatic. She never seemed to get stressed out, in spite of the extreme violence and horror she had to deal with daily. Alison felt the best way to make things better was to be relentlessly professional and scrupulously fair. She didn't sensationalize; her style was to let the victims speak for themselves."

Corinne Dufka, another colleague who worked closely with Des Forges, wrote: "She always found the time to listen and helped me see outside the box. Alison inspired me to be a better researcher, a better colleague, a more giving mentor and a more balanced human being. She was also funny - her sardonic sense of humor, usually accompanied with that sparkle in her eye, lightened our burden."

An historian by training, Des Forges wrote her PhD thesis on Rwanda and spent most of her adult life working on the Great Lakes region, despite an early stint in China with her husband, Roger, a professor of history and China expert at the University of Buffalo.

Des Forges graduated from Radcliffe College in 1964 and received her PhD from Yale in 1972. She began as a volunteer at Human Rights Watch, but was soon working full-time on Rwanda, trying to draw attention to the genocide she feared was looming. Eventually, Roth had to insist she take a salary. She co-chaired an international commission looking at the rise of ethnic violence in the region and published a report on the findings several months before the genocide. Once the violence began, Des Forges managed to convince diplomats in Kigali to move several Rwandans to safety, including the leading human rights activist Monique Mujawamariya.

As senior adviser to the Africa division at Human Rights Watch since the early 1990s, Des Forges oversaw all research work on the Great Lakes region, but also provided counsel to colleagues across the region and beyond. She also worked very closely with the International Justice Program because of all her involvement with the Rwanda tribunal.

"The office of the prosecutor relied on Alison as an expert witness to bring context and background and detailed knowledge of the genocide," Roth said. "Her expertise was sought again and again and again by national authorities on cases unfolding in their courts of individuals facing deportation, or on trial for alleged involvement in the genocide."

Most recently, Des Forges was working on a Human Rights Watch report about killings in eastern Congo.

Des Forges leaves a husband, a daughter, and a son, three grandchildren, a brother and a sister-in-law. The staff of Human Rights Watch expressed their deepest condolences to her family and friends.

An Appeal For The Extradition of The "Merchant of Death"

U.S. Congressman Ed Royce (R-CA), Ranking Member of the Terrorism, Nonproliferation and Trade Subcommittee, is asking the Obama Administration to make the extradition of international arms dealer Viktor Bout as a top priority in U.S.-Thailand relations.

"The Congress is making it abundantly clear, the 'Merchant of Death' must face justice," said Royce in a letter to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Attorney General Eric Holder, using Viktor Bout's moniker given for his history of fueling brutal civil wars on the African continent and elsewhere through the illicit sale of arms.

Bout was arrested in Bangkok, Thailand, as part of an elaborate U.S.-led law enforcement operation in March 2008. Federal prosecutors in New York are seeking Bout's extradition to stand trial for conspiracy to provide material support to a foreign terrorist organization. Bout believed he was negotiating a deal to provide the FARC with millions of dollars in arms when he was arrested in Thailand.

"Bout's actions have threatened the security of many countries and regions and destroyed the lives of tens of thousands of innocent individuals. His extradition must be a continuing priority for the U.S. government," said Royce.

Bout's extradition has been proceeding through the Thai judicial system since July of last year. According to a statement from Royce's office, there is growing concern amongst Members of Congress, however, that Bout's legal team has been successful in delaying the extradition process. At his most recent hearing in December, Bout managed to delay proceedings until March. Continuing reports suggesting that the Russian government is attempting to negatively influence this process continue, heightening concerns. The Russian Duma recently passed a resolution calling for Bout to be returned to Russia.

"The U.S. and Thailand have a very good relationship in the areas of security and law enforcement. But frankly, I am concerned. Bout needs to stand trial in the U.S. now for his support for terrorist organizations that have targeted Americans," concluded Royce.

Last July, Royce spearheaded the effort to bring the attention of the Bout extradition proceedings to the Thai government.

In the letter, Royce recalls that prior to his arrest, Bout "fueled many brutal civil wars on the African continent and elsewhere through the illicit sale of arms. Bout dealt weapons to several sides fighting in the Democratic Republic of Congo and rebels in Angola in the 1990s, breaking international arms embargoes. Former Liberian president Charles Taylor relied on Bout to arm his reign of terror in West Africa, violently suppressing opposition to his corrupt rule in Liberia and arming allies in neighboring Sierra Leone, Guinea, and Cote d'Ivoire. In Afghanistan, Bout simultaneously armed the Taliban and the Northern Alliance."

Controversial Ukrainian Ship with Tanks is Released

In case you missed the news, Somali pirates last week released that Ukrainian ship carrying 33 tanks and other weapons, after receiving a ransom payment of more than $ 3 million. The ship had been held off the coast of Somalia since September.

According to a report by the Voice of America from Nairobi, pirates left the MV Faina following the payment of a $3.2 million ransom last Wednesday. The ship, which was ferrying 33 Soviet tanks, along with anti-aircraft weapons, grenade launchers, and other arms to the Kenyan port of Mombassa, had been anchored near the Somali port of Harardhere.

The ship's cargo has stirred considerable controversy. The Kenyan government has maintained the weapons are for its own use, but many observers, including diplomats in the region, have said the arms are destined for the semi-autonomous government of Southern Sudan.

Southern rebels signed a peace agreement with the Sudanese government in 2005, with negotiations held in Kenya. But that deal appears increasingly shaky, and both the northern and southern Sudanese governments are believed to be building up their arms supplies with an eye to a possible return to conflict.

A senior researcher on arms transfers at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Pieter Wezeman, says similar tanks from previous shipments to Mombassa have not been spotted by observers, either in Kenya or in Southern Sudan.

"If the Kenyan government has ordered them and has taken possession of them, as they should have, then you would in a way expect them to show them off somewhere, just to show that they have them. That has never happened. So it remains a mystery and the suspicion that they were intended for, or that they even have gone to, South Sudan remains. But there is no clear proof that they actually went there," said Wezeman.

U.S. naval ships are guarding the MV Faina, and the Ukrainian government has said that the ship will continue on to Mombassa. According to Weseman, the Kenyan government will have a difficult time keeping the destination of the weapons under wraps.